which for all its greatness was hindered by want of the modern microscope, to the pathology and bacteriology of the present day. It is Paget's greatest achievement that he made pathology dependent, in everything, on the use of the microscope-especially the pathology of tumours. He and Virchow may truly be called the founders of modern pathology; they stand together, Paget's Lectures on Surgical Pathology and Virchow's Cellular-Pathologie. When Paget, in 1851, began practice near Cavendish Square, he had still to wait a few years more for success in professional life. The "turn of the tide" came about 1854 or 1855; and in 1858 he was appointed surgeon extraordinary to Queen Victoria, and in 1863 surgeon in ordinary to the prince of Wales. He had for many years the largest and most arduous surgical practice in London. His day's work was seldom less than sixteen or seventeen hours. Cases sent to him for final judgment, with especial frequency, were those of tumours, and of all kinds of disease of the bones and joints, and all " neurotic " cases having symptoms of surgical disease. His supremacy lay rather in the science than in the art of surgery, but his name is associated also with certain great practical advances. He discovered the disease of the breast and the disease of the bones (osteitis deformans) which are called after his name; and he was the first at the hospital to urge enucleation of the tumour, instead of amputation of the limb, in cases of myeloid sarcoma. In 1871 he nearly died from infection at a post mortem examination, and, to lighten the weight of his work, was obliged to resign his surgeoncy to the hospital. In this same year he received the honour of a baronetcy. In 1875 he was president of the Royal College of Surgeons, and in 1877 Hunterian orator. In 1878 he gave up operating, but for eight or ten years longer he still had a very heavy consulting practice. In 1881 he was president of the International Medical Congress held in London; in 1880 he gave, at Cambridge, a memorable address on "Elemental Pathology," setting forth the likeness of certain diseases of plants and trees to those of the human body. Besides shorter writings he also published Clinical Lectures and Essays (1st ed. 1875) and Studies of Old Case-books (1891). In 1883, on the death of Sir George Jessel, he was appointed vice-chancellor of the university of London. In 1889 he was appointed a member of the royal commission on vaccination. He died in London on the 30th of December 1899, in his eighty-fifth year. Sir James Paget had the gift of eloquence, and was one of the most careful and most delightful speakers of his time. He had a natural and unaffected pleasure in society, and he loved music. He possessed the rare gift of ability to turn swiftly from work to play; enjoying his holidays like a schoolboy, easily moved to laughter, keen to get the maximun of happiness out of very ordinary amusements, emotional in spite of incessant self-restraint, vigorous in spite of constant overwork. In him a certain light-hearted enjoyment was combined with the utmost reserve, unfailing religious faith, and the most scrupulous honour. He was all his life profoundly indifferent toward politics, both national and medical, his ideal was the unity of science and practice in the professional life. (S. P)

PAGET OF BEAUDESERT, WILLIAM PAGET, IST BARON (1506-1563), English statesman, son of William Paget, one of the serjeants-at-mace of the city of London, was born in London in 1506, and was educated at St Paul's School, and at Trinity Hall, Cambridge, proceeding afterwards to the university of Paris. Probably through the influence of Stephen Gardiner, who had early befriended Paget, he was employed by Henry VIII. in several important diplomatic missions; in 1532 he was appointed clerk of the signet and soon afterwards of the privy council. He became secretary to Queen Anne of Cleves in 1539, and in 1543 he was sworn of the privy council and appointed secretary of state, in which position Henry VIII in his later years relied much on his advice, appointing him one of the council to act during the minority of Edward VI. Paget at first vigorously supported the protector Somerset, while counselling a moderation which Somerset did not always observe. In 1547 he was made comptroller of the king's house

hold, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, and a knight of the Garter; and in 1549 he was summoned by writ to the House of Lords as Baron Paget de Beaudesert. About the same time he obtained extensive grants of lands, including Cannock Chase and Burton Abbey in Staffordshire, and in London the residence of the bishops of Exeter, afterwards known successively as Lincoln House and Essex House, on the site now occupied by the Outer Temple in the Strand. He also obtained Beaudesert in Staffordshire, which is still the chief seat of the Paget family. Paget shared Somerset's disgrace, being committed to the Tower in 1551 and degraded from the Order of the Garter in the following year, besides suffering a heavy fine by the Star Chamber for having profited at the expense of the Crown in his administration of the duchy of Lancaster. He was, however, restored to the king's favour in 1553, and was one of the twentysix peers who signed Edward's settlement of the crown on Lady Jane Grey in June of that year. He made his peace with Queen Mary, who reinstated him as a knight of the Garter and in the privy council in 1553, and appointed him lord privy seal in 1556. On the accession of Elizabeth in 1558 Paget retired from public life, and died on the 9th of June 1563.

By his wife Anne Preston he had four sons, the two eldest of whom, Henry (d. 1568) and Thomas, succeeded in turn to the peerage. The youngest son, Charles Paget (d. 1612), was a well-known Catholic conspirator against Queen Elizabeth, in the position of secretary to Archbishop James Beaton, the ambassador of Mary Queen of Scots in Paris; although at times he also played the part of a spy and forwarded information to Walsingham and Cecil. Thomas, 3rd Baron Paget of Beaudesert (c. 1540-1589), a zealous Roman Catholic, was suspected of complicity in Charles's plots and was attainted in 1587. But the peerage was restored in 1604 to his son William (1572-1629), 4th Lord Paget, whose son William, the 5th lord (1609-1678), fought for Charles I. at Edgehill. William, the 6th lord (1637-1713), a supporter of the Revolution of 1688, was ambassador at Vienna from 1689 to 1693, and later at Constantinople, having much to do with bringing about the important treaty of Carlowitz in 1699. Henry, the 7th baron (c. 1665-1743), was raised to the peerage during his father's lifetime as Baron Burton in 1712, being one of the twelve peers created by the Tory ministry to secure a majority in the House of Lords, and was created earl of Uxbridge in 1714His only son, Thomas Catesby Paget, the author of an Essay on Human Life (1734) and other writings, died in January 1742 before his father, leaving a son Henry (1719–1769), who became 2nd earl of Uxbridge. At the latter's death the earldom of Uxbridge and barony of Burton became extinct, the older barony of Paget of Beaudesert passing to his cousin Henry Bayly (1744-1812), heir general of the first baron, who in 1784 was created earl of Uxbridge. His second son, Sir Arthur Paget (1771-1840), was an eminent diplomatist during the Napoleonic wars, Sir Edward Paget (1775-1849), the fourth son, served under Sir John Moore in the Peninsula, and was afterwards second in command under Sir Arthur Wellesley; the fifth, Sir Charles Paget (1778-1839), served with distinction in the navy, and rose to the rank of vice-admiral. The eldest son Henry William, 2nd earl of Uxbridge (1768-1854), was in 1815 created marquess of Anglesey (q.v.).

PAGHMAN, a small district of Afghanistan to the west of Kabul, lying under the Paghman branch of the Hindu Kush range. It is exceedingly picturesque, the villages clinging to the sides of the mountain glens from which water is drawn for irrigation; and excellent fruit is grown.

PAGODA (Port. pagode, a word introduced in the 16th century by the early Portuguese adventurers in India, reproducing phonetically some native word, possibly Pers. but-kadah, a house for an idol, or some form of Sansk. bhagavat, divine, holy), an Eastern term for a temple, especially a building of a pyramid shape common in India and the Far East and devoted to sacred purposes; in Buddhist countries, notably China, the name of a many-sided tower in which are kept holy relics. More loosely "pagoda is used in the East to signify any non-Christian or non-Mussulman place of worship. Pagoda or

pagod was also the name given to a gold (occasionally also silver) coin, of about the value of seven shillings, at one time current in southern India. From this meaning is derived the expression" the pagoda tree," as synonymous with the "wealth of the Indies," whence the phrase to "shake the pagoda tree." There is a real tree, the Plumieria acuminata, bearing the name. It grows in India, and is of a small and graceful shape, and bears yellow and white flowers tinged with red.

PAHARI (properly Pahari, the language of the mountains), a general name applied to the Indo-Aryan languages or dialects spoken in the lower ranges of the Himalaya from Nepal in the east, to Chamba of the Punjab in the west. These forms of speech fall into three groups-an eastern, consisting of the various dialects of Khas-kura, the language of Nepal; a central, spoken in the north of the United Provinces, in Kumaon and Garhwal; and a western, spoken in the country round Simla and in Chamba. In Nepal, Khas-kura is the language only of the Aryan population, the mother tongue of most of the inhabitants being some form or other of Tibeto-Burman speech (see TIBETO-BURMAN LANGUACES), not Indo-Aryan. As may be expected, Khas-kura is mainly differentiated from Central Pahari through its being affected, both in grammar and vocabulary, by Tibeto-Burman idioms. The speakers of Central and Western Pahari have not been brought into close association with Tibeto-Burmans, and their language is therefore purely Aryan.

Khas-kura, as its speakers themselves call it, passes under various names. The English generally tall it Nepāli or Naipali (ie. the language of Nepal), which is a misnomer, for it is not the principal form of speech used in that country. Moreover, the Nepalese employ a corruption of this very word to indicate what is really the main language of the country, viz. the TibetoBurman Newări. Khas-kura is also called Gorkhāli, or the language of the Gurkhas, and Pahārī or Parbatiya, the language of the mountains. The number of speakers is not known, no census ever having been taken of Nepal; but in British India 143,721 were recorded in the census of 1901, most of whom were soldiers in, or others connected with, the British Gurkha regiments.

Central Pahari includes three dialects-Garhwali, spoken mainly in Garhwal and the country round the hill station of Mussoorie; Jaunsări, spoken in the Jaunsar tract of Dehra Dun; and Kumauni, spoken in Kumaun, including the country round the hill station of Naini Tal. In 1901 the number of speakers was 1,270,931.

Western Pahari includes a great number of dialects. In the Simla Hill states alone no less than twenty-two, of which the most important are Sirmauri and Keonthali (the dialect of Simla itself), were recorded at the last census. To these may be added Chambiāli and Churahi of the state of Chamba, Mandeāli of the state of Mandi, Gādi of Chamba and Kangra, Kulubi of Kulu and others. In 1901 the total number of speakers was 1,710,029.

The southern face of the Himalaya has from time immemorial been occupied by two classes of people. In the first place there is an Indo-Chinese overflow from Tibet in the north. Most of these tribes speak Indo-Chinese languages of the Tibeto-Burman family, while a few have abandoned their ancestral speech and now employ broken half-Aryan dialects. The other class consists of the great tribe of Khasas or Khaśiyās, Aryan in origin, the Káriot of the Greek geographers. Who these people originally were, and how they entered India, are questions which have been more than once discussed without arriving at any very definite conclusion. They are frequently mentioned in Sanskrit literature, were a thorn in the side of the rulers of Kashmir, and have occupied the lower Himalayas for many centuries. Nothing positive is known about their language, which they have long abandoned. Judging from the relics of it which appear in modern Pahari, it is probable that it belonged to the

1 See ch. iv. of vol. ii. of R. T. Atkinson's Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, forming vol. xi of the" Gazetteer of the North-Western Provinces" (Allahabad, 1884), and the Archaeological Survey of India, xiv. 125 sqq. (Calcutta, 1882).

same group as Kashmiri, Lahnda and Sindhi. They spread slowly from west to cast, and are traditionally said to have reached Nepal in the early part of the 12th century A.D.

In the central and western Pahari tracts local traditions assert that from very early times there was constant communication with Rajputana and with the great kingdom of Kanauj in the Gangetic Doab. A succession of immigrants, the tide of which was materially increased at a later period by the pressure of the Mussulman invasion of India, entered the country, and founded several dynasties, some of which survive to the present day. These Rajputs intermarried with the Khasa inhabitants of their new home, and gave their rank to the descendants of these mixed unions. With the pride of birth these new-born Rajputs inherited the language of their fathers, and thus the tongue of the ruling class, and subsequently of the whole population of this portion of the Himalaya, became a form of Rajasthani, the language spoken in distant Rajputana. The Rajput occupation of Nepal is of later date. In the early part of the 16th century a number of Rajputs of Udaipur in Rajputana, being oppressed by the Mussulmans, fled north and settled in Garhwal, Kumaon, and western Nepal. In A.D. 1559 a party of these conquered the small state of Gurkha, which lay about 70 m. north-west of Katmandu, the present capital of Nepal. In 1768 Prithwi Narayan Shah, the then Rajput ruler of Gurkha, made himself master of the whole of Nepal and founded the present Gurkhali dynasty of that country. His successors extended their rule westwards over Kumaon and Garhwal, and as far as the Simla Hill states. The inhabitants of Nepal included not only Aryan Khasas, but also, as has been said, a number of Tibeto-Burman tribes. The Rajputs of Gurkha could not impose their language upon these as they did upon the Khasas, but, owing to its being the tongue of the ruling race, it ultimately became generally understood and employed as the lingua franca of this polyglot country. Although the language of the Khasas has disappeared, the tribe is still numerically the most important Aryan one in this part of the Himalaya, and it hence gave its name to its newly adopted speech, which is at the present day locally known as " Khas-kura."

In the manner described above the Aryan language of the whole Pahari area is now a form of Rajasthani, exhibiting at the same time traces of the old Khasa language which it superseded, and also in Nepal of the Tibeto-Burman forms of speech by which it is surrounded. (For information regarding Rajasthani the reader is referred to the articles INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES; PRAKRIT; and GUJARATI.)

Khas-kura shows most traces of Tibeto-Burman influence. The gender of nouns is purely sexual, and, although there is an oblique case derived from Rajasthani, it is so often confounded with the nominative, that in the singular number either can be employed for the other. Both these are due to Tibeto-Burman influence, but the non-Aryan idiom is most prominent in the use of the verb. There is an indefinite tense referring to present, past or future time according to the context, formed by suffixing the verb substantive to the root of the main verb, exactly as in some of the neighbouring TibetoBurman languages. There is a complete impersonal honorific conjugation which reminds one strongly of Tibetan. and, in colloquial verb, not only of a tense derived from the past participle, is put into speech, as in that tongue, the subject of any tense of a transitive the agent case.

In Eastern and Central Pahari the verb substantive is formed from the root ach, as in both Rajasthani and Kashmiri. In Rajasrechami, I go, does not change for gender. But in Pahari and Kashthani its present tense, being derived from the Sanskrit present miri it must be derived from the rare Sanskrit particle *rechitas, gone, for in these languages it is a participial tense and does change according to the gender of the subject. Thus, in the singular we

have:

again agreeing with north-western India, are the tendency to shorten long vowels, the practice of epenthesis, or the modification of a vowel by the one which follows in the next syllable, and the frequent occurrence of disaspiration. Thus, Khas siknu, Kumauni siknō, but Hindi sikhna, to learn; Kumauni yesō, plural yasa, of this kind. Regarding Western Pahari materials are not so complete. The speakers are not brought into contact with Tibeto-Burman languages, and hence we find no trace of these. But the signs of the influence of north-western languages are, as might be expected, still more apparent than farther east. In some dialects epenthesis is in full swing, as in (Churahi) khātā, eating, fem, khaiti. Very interesting is the mixed origin of the postpositions defining the various cases. Thus, while that of the genitive is generally the Rajasthani rō, that of the dative continually points to the west. Sometimes it is the Sindhi khe (see SINDHI). At other times it is jó, where is here a locative of the base of the Sindhi genitive post position jo. In all Indo-Aryan languages, the dative postposition is by origin the locative of some genitive one. In vocabulary, Western Pahari often employs, for the more common ideas, words which can most readily be connected with the north-western and Pisaca groups. (See INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES.)

LITERATURE.-Khas-kura has a small literature which has grown up in recent years. We may mention the Birsikka, an anonymous collection of folk-tales, and a Ramayana by Bhanu Bhatta. There are also several translations from Sanskrit. Of late years local scholars have done a good deal towards creating an interest in Central Pahari. Special mention may be made of Ganga Datt Upreti's Proverbs and Folklore of Kumaun and Garhwal (Lodiana, 1894); the same author's Dialects of the Kumaun Division (Almora, 1900); and Jwala Datt Joshi's translation of Dandin's Sanskrit Dasa Kumara Carita (Almora, 1892). A local poet who lived about a century ago, Gumani Kavi by name, was the author of verses written in a peculiar style, and now much admired. Each verse consists of four lines, the first three being in Sanskrit, and the fourth a Hindi or Kumauni proverb. A collection of these, edited by Rewa Datt Upreti, was published in the Indian Antiquary for 1909 (pp. 177 seq.) under the title of Gumäni-niti. Western Pahari has no literature. Portions of the Bible have been translated into Khas-kura (under the name of Nepali "), Kumauni, Garhwali, Jaunsari and Chambiali.

AUTHORITIES.-S. H. Kellogg's Hindi Grammar (2nd ed., London, 1893) includes both Eastern and Central Pahari in its survey. For Khas see also A. Turnbull, Nepali, i. e. Gorkhali or Parbate Grammar (Darjeeling, 1904), and G. A. Grierson, "A Specimen of the Khas or Naipali Language," in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft (1907), Ixi. 659 seq. There is no authority dealing with Western Pahari as a whole. A. H. Diack's work. The Kulu Dialect of Hindi (Lahore, 1896), may be consulted for Kuluhi. See also T. Grahame Bailey's Languages of the Northern Himalayas (Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1908). Vol. ix., pt. iv., of the Linguistic Survey of India contains full particulars of all the Pahari dialects in great detail. (G. A. GR.)

PAHLAVI, or PEHLEVI, the name given by the followers of Zoroaster to the character in which are written the ancient translations of their sacred books and some other works which they preserve (see PERSIA: Language). The name can be traced back for many centuries; the great epic poet Firdousī (second half of the 10th Christian century) repeatedly speaks of Pahlavi books as the sources of his narratives, and he tells us among other things that in the time of the first Khosrau (Chosroes I., A.D. 531-579) the Pahlavi character alone was used in Persia.1 The learned Ibn Mokaffa' (8th century) calls Pahlavi one of the languages of Persia, and seems to imply that it was an official language. We cannot determine what characters, perhaps also dialects, were called Pahlavi before the Arab period. It is most suitable to confine the word, as is now generally done, to designate a kind of writing-not only that of the Pahlavi books, but of all inscriptions on stone and metal which use similar characters and are written on essentially the same principles as these books.

At first sight the Pahlavi books present the strangest spectacle of mixture of speech. Purely Semitic (Aramaic) words-and these not only nouns and verbs, but numerals, particles, demonstrative and even personal pronouns-stand side by side with Persian vocables. Often, however, the Semitic words are compounded in a way quite unsemitic, or have Persian terminations. As read by the modern Zoroastrians, there are also

1 We cannot assume, however, that the poet had a clear idea of what Pahlavi was.

The passage, in which useful facts are mixed up with strange notions, is given abridged in Fihrist, p. 13, more fully by Yakūt, iii. 925, but most fully and accurately in the unprinted Majáliḥ al-'olûm.

many words which are neither Semitic nor Persian; but it is soon seen that this traditional pronunciation is untrustworthy. The character is cursive and very ambiguous, so that, for example, there is but one sign for #, u, and r, and one for y, d, and g, this has led to mistakes in the received pronunciation, which for many words can be shown to have been at one time more correct than it is now. But apart from such blunders there remain phenomena which could never have appeared in a real language; and the hot strife which raged till recently as to whether Pahlavi is Semitic or Persian has been closed by the discovery that it is merely a way of writing Persian in which the Persian words are partly represented to the eye, not to the ear-by their Semitic equivalents. This view, the development of which began with Westergaard (Zendavesta, p. 20, note), is in full accordance with the true and ancient tradition. Thus Ibn Mokaffa', who translated many Pahlavi books into Arabic, tells us that the Persians had about one thousand words which they wrote otherwise than they were pronounced in Persian. For bread he says they wrote LHMA, i.e. the Aramaic laḥmd, but they pronounced nan, which is the common Persian word for bread Similarly BSRA, the Aramaic besra, flesh, was pronounced as the Persian gōsht. We still possess a glossary which actually gives the Pahlavi writing with its Persian pronunciation. This glossary, which besides Aramaic words contains also a variety of Persian words disguised in antique forms, or by errors due to the contracted style of writing, exists in various shapes, all of which, in spite of their corruptions, go back to the work which the statement of Ibn Mokaffa' had in view. Thus the Persians did the same thing on a much larger scale, as when in English we write £ (libra) and pronounce "pound" or write & or & (et) and pronounce "and." No system was followed in the

choice of Semitic forms. Sometimes a noun was written in its status absolutus, sometimes the emphatic â was added, and this was sometimes written as sometimes as n. One verb was written in the perfect, another in the imperfect. Even various dialects were laid under contribution. The Semitic signs by which Persian synonyms were distinguished are sometimes quite arbitrary. Thus in Persian khwësh and khwat both mean self"; the former is written NFshн (nafsha or nafsheh), the latter BNFSHH with the preposition be prefixed. Personal pronouns are expressed in the dative (ie. with prepositional / prefixed), thus LK (lakh) for tu, "thou," LNH (land) for amā, we." Sometimes the same Semitic sign stands for two distinct Persian words that happen to agree in sound; thus because hand is Aramaic for "this," HNA represents not only Persian e, "this," but also the interjection è, i.e. "O" as prefixed to a vocative. Sometimes for clearness a Persian termination is added to a Semitic word; thus, to distinguish between the two words for father, pit and pitar, the former is written AB and the latter ABITR. The Persian form is, however, not seldom used, even where there is a quite well-known Semitic ideogram.

These difficulties of reading mostly disappear when the ideographic nature of the writing is recognized. We do not always know what Semitic word supplied some ambiguous group of letters (e. g. PUN for pa, "to," or HT for agar, ""); but we always can tell the Persian word-which is the one important thing-though not always the exact pronunciation of it in that older stage of the language which the extant Pahlavi works belong to. In Pahlavi, for example, the word for "female" is written mätak, an ancient form which afterwards passed through madhak into madha. But it was a mistake of later ages to fancy that because this was so the sign T also meant D,

Fikrist, p. 14, line 13 seq., cf. line 4 seq. The former passage was first cited by Quatremère, Jour. As. (1835), i. 256, and discussed by Clermont-Ganneau, ibid. (1866), i. 430. The expressions it uses are not always clear; perhaps the author of the Fihrist has condensed somewhat.

Editions oy Hoshangji, Jamaspji Asa and M. Haug (Bombay, 1870), and by C. Salemann (Leiden, 1878). See also J. Olshausen, "Zur Würdigung der Pahlavi-glossare" in Kuhn's Zeit. f. vergl. Sprforsch., N.F., vi. 521 seq.

For examples of various peculiarities see the notes to Noldeke's translation of the story of Arlakkshir i Päpakän (Göttingen, 1879).

Much graver difficulties arise from the cursive nature of the characters already alluded to. There are some groups which may theoretically be read in hundreds of ways; the same little sign may be, x', 7', 47, 77, 8, 3, and then too may be either k or kh.

In older times there was still some little distinction between letters that are now quite identical in form, but even the Egyptian fragments of Pahlavi writing of the 7th century show on the whole the same type as our MSS. The practical inconveniences to those who knew the language were not so great as they may seem; the Arabs also long used an equally ambiguous character without availing themselves of the diacritical points which had been devised long before.

Modern MSS., following Arabic models, introduce diacritical points from time to time, and often incorrectly. These give little help, however, in comparison with the so-called Pazand or transcription of Pahlavi texts, as they are to be spoken, in the character in which the Avesta itself is written, and which is quite clear and has all vowels as well as consonants. The transcription is not philologically accurate; the language is often modernized, but not uniformly so. Pazand MSS. present dialectical variations according to the taste or intelligence of authors and copyists, and all have many false readings. For us, however, they are of the greatest use. To get a conception of Pahlavi one cannot do better than read the Minoi-Khiradh in the Pahlavi with constant reference to the Pazand. Critical labour is still required to give an approximate reproduction of the author's own pronunciation of what he wrote.

The coins of the later Sassanid kings, of the princes of Tabaristan, and of some governors in the earlier Arab period, exhibit an alphabet very similar to Pahlavi MSS. On the older coins the several letters are more clearly distinguished, and in good specimens of well-struck coins of the oldest Sassanians almost every letter can be recognized with certainty. The same holds good for the inscriptions on gems and other small monuments of the early Sassanian period; but the clearest of all are the rock inscriptions of the Sassanians in the 3rd and 4th centuries, though in the 4th century a tendency to cursive forms begins to appear. Only and v are always quite alike. The character of the language and the system of writing is essentially the same on coins, gems and rocks as in MSS.-pure Persian, in part strangely disguised in a Semitic garb. In details there are many differences between the Pahlavi of inscriptions and the books. Persian endings added to words written in Semitic form are much less common in the former, so that the person and number of a verb are often not to be made out. There are also orthographic variations; e.g. long a in Persian forms is always expressed in book-Pahlavi, but not always in inscriptions. The unfamiliar contents of some of these inscriptions, their limited number, their bad preservation, and the imperfect way in which some of the most important of them have been published leave many things still obscure in these monuments of Persian kings; but they have done much to clear up both great and small points in the history of Pahlavi.

Some of the oldest Sassanian inscriptions are accompanied by a text belonging to the same system of writing, but with many variations in detail, and an alphabet which, though derived The Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard in the Original Pahlavi, ed. by Fr. Ch. Andreas (Kiel, 1882); idem, The Pazand and Sanskrit Texts, by E. W. West (Stuttgart and London, 1871).

See especially the great work of F. Stolze, Persepolis (2 vols., Berlin, 1882). It was De Sacy who began the decipherment of the inscriptions.

Thus we now know that the ligature in book-Pahlavi which means "in," the original letters of which could not be made out, is for 12, "between." It is to be read andar.

Thus pus," son," is written instead of ; péșh, "before,"

לעיני = לויני but in the usual Pahlavi it is ,קומה is written

The name Pahlavi means Parthian, Pahlav being the regular Persian transformation of the older Parthava. This fact points to the conclusion that the system of writing was developed in Parthian times, when the great nobles, the Pahlavāns, ruled and Media was their main seat, "the Pahlav country." Other linguistic, graphical and historical indications point the same way; but it is still far from clear how the system was developed. We know, indeed, that even under the Achaemenids Aramaic writing and speech were employed far beyond the Aramaic lands, even in official documents and on coins. The Iranians had no convenient character, and might borrow the Aramaic letters as naturally as they subsequently borrowed those of the Arabs. But this does not explain the strange practice of writing Semitic words in place of so many Persian words which were to be read as Persian. It cannot be the invention of an individual, for in that case the system would have been more consistently worked out, and the appearance of two or more kinds of Pahlavi side by side at the beginning of the Sassanian period would be inexplicable. But we may remember that the Aramaic character first came to the Iranians from the region of the lower Euphrates and Tigris, where the complicated cuneiform character arose, and where it held its ground long after better ways of writing were known. In later antiquity probably very few Persians could read and write. All kinds of strange things are conceivable in an Eastern character confined to a narrow circle. Of the facts at least there is no doubt.

The Pahlavi literature embraces the translations of the holy books of the Zoroastrians, dating probably from the 6th century, and certain other religious books, especially the Minōi-Khiradh and the Bundahish." The Bundahish dates from the Arab period. Zoroastrian priests continued to write the old language as a dead tongue and to use the old character long after the victory of a new empire, a new religion, a new form of the language (New Persian), and a new character. There was once a not quite inconsiderable profane literature, of which a good deal is preserved in Arabic or New Persian versions or reproductions, particularly in historical books about the time before Islam. Very little profane literature still exists in Pahlavi; the romance of Ardashir has been mentioned above. See E. W. West's "Pahlavi Literature," in Geiger and Kuhn's Grundriss der iranischen Philologie (1896), vol. ii.; "The Extent, Language and Age of Pahlavi Literature in Sitzungsber. der k. Akad. der wiss. Phil. u. hist. Klasse (Munich, 1888), pp. 399-443 and his Pahlavi Texts in Sacred Books of the East (1880-1897). The difficult study of Pahlavi is made more difficult by the corrupt state of our copies, due to ignorant and careless scribes.

Of glossaries, that of West (Bombay and London, 1874) is to be recommended; the large Pahlavi, Gujarati and English lexicon of Jamaspji Dastur Minocheherji (Bombay and London, 1877-1882) is very full, but has numerous false or uncertain forms, and must be used with much caution. (TH. N.)

PAIGNTON, a seaside resort in the Torquay parliamentary division of Devonshire, England, on Tor Bay, 2 m. S.W. of Torquay, on the Great Western railway. Pop. of urban district (1901), 8385. The church of St John is mainly Perpendicular,

writing certainly refers in part at least to the species of Pahlavi. What the Fihrist (p. 13 seq.) has about various forms of Persian But the statements are hardly all reliable, and in the lack of trustworthy specimens little can be made of them.

This was finally proved by Olshausen, following earlier scholars; see J. Olshausen, Parthava und Pahlav, Mada und Mah (Berlin, 1877, and in the Monatsb. of the Academy).

Translations ed. by F. Spiegel (1860), the Bundahish by N. L. Westergaard (Copenhagen, 1851) and F. Justi (Leipzig, 1868); other Pahlavi books by Spiegel and Haug, by Hoshangji, and other Indian

Parsees.

One other book, the stories of Kalilag and Damnag, in a Syriac version from the Pahlavi, the latter taken from the Sanskrit.

Moreover

in the early modern, history of the Pacific islands. the London Missionary Society, having worked westward from its headquarters in Tahiti to Tonga as early as 1797, founded a settlement in Fiji in 1835. Meanwhile the white traders in Fiji had played an intimate part in the internal political affairs of the group, and in 1858 King Thakombau, being threatened with reprisals by the American consul on account of certain losses of property which he had sustained, asked for British protection, but did not obtain it. The British, however, were paramount among the white population, and as by 1870 not only American, but also German influence was extending through the islands (the first German government vessel visited Fiji in 1872), annexation was urged on Great Britain by Australia and New Zealand. Meanwhile the labour traffic, which had been initiated, so far as the Pacific islands were concerned, by an unsuccessful attempt in 1847 to employ New Hebridean labourers on a settlement near the present township of Eden in New South Wales, had attained considerable proportions, had been improperly exploited and, as already indicated, had led the natives to retaliation, sometimes without discernment, a notorious example of this (as was generally considered) being the murder of Bishop Patteson in 1871. In 1872 an act was passed by the British government to regulate the labour traffic; Fiji was annexed in 1874, and in 1875 another act established the post of the British high commissioner.

In 1842 the French had formally annexed the Marquesas Islands; and subsequently extended their sphere, as shown in the table at the outset of this article, both in the east of Polynesia and in the south of Melanesia. In some of the island-groups independent native states were recognized for some time by the powers, as in the case of Hawaii, which, after the deposition of the queen in 1893 and the proclamation of a republic in 1894, was annexed to the United States of America only in 1898, or, again, in the case of Tonga, which provided a curious example of the subordination of a native organization to unauthorized foreign influence. The partition of Polynesia was completed in 1899, when Samoa was divided between Germany and the United States. In Micronesia, since the discoveries of the early Spanish navigators, the Carolines, Mariana and Pelew Islands had been recognized as Spanish territory until 1885, when Germany began to establish herself in the first-named group. Spain had never occupied this group, but protested against the German action, and Pope Leo XIII. as arbitrator awarded the Carolines to her. Thereafter Spain made attempts at occupation, but serious conflicts with the natives ensued, and in 1899 the islands were sold to Germany, which thus became the predominating power in Micronesia. When Germany acquired the Bismarck Archipelago in Melanesia the introduction of German names (New Pomerania, Neu Pommern, for New Britain; Neu Mecklenburg for New Ireland; Neu Langenburg for the Duke of York Group, &c.) met with no little protest as contrary to precedent and international etiquette. The provision for the joint influence of Great Britain and France over the New Hebrides (1906) brought these islands into some prominence owing to the hostile criticism directed against the British government both in Australia and at home. The partition of the Pacific islands never led to any serious friction between the powers, though the acquisition of Hawaii was attempted by Britain, France and Japan before the United States annexed the group, and the negotiations as to Samoa threatened trouble for a while. There were occasional native risings, as in Samoa (where, however, the fighting was rather in the nature of civil warfare), the French possessions in eastern Polynesia, and the New Hebrides, apart from attacks on individual settlers or visitors, which have occurred here and there from the earliest period of exploration.

Administration.-Of the British possessions among the islands of the Pacific, Fiji is a colony, and its governor is also high commissioner for the western Pacific. In this capacity, assisted by deputies and resident commissioners, he exercises jurisdiction over all the islands except Fiji and those islands which are attached to New Zealand and New South Wales. Some of the islands (e.g. Tonga) are native states under British protection. Pitcairn, in accordance

with its peculiar conditions of settlement, has a peculiar system of local government. The New Hebrides are under a mixed British and French commission. The Hawaiian Islands form a territory of the United States of America and are administered as such; Guam is a naval station, as is Tutuila of the Samoan Islands, where the com mandant exercises the functions of governor. New Caledonia is a French colony under a governor; the more easterly French islands are grouped together under the title of the French Establishments in Oceania, and are administered by a governor, privy council, administrative council, &c., Papeete in Tahiti being the capital. The seat of government of the German protectorate of Kaiser Wilhelm's Land (New Guinea) is Herbertshöhe in the Bismarck Solomon Islands and the Caroline, Pelew and Mariana Islands, which The administrative area includes the German Archipelago. are divided into three administrative groups-the eastern Carolines, western Carolines and Marianas. The Marshall Islands form a "district The (Bezirk) within the same adininistrative area. German Samoan Islands are under an imperial governor. Races. In the oceanic islands of the Pacific three different peoples occur, who have been called Melanesians, Polynesians and Micronesians. These form themselves naturally into two broad but very distinct divisions-the dark and brown races; the first division being represented by the Melanesians, and the Polynesians and Micronesians together forming the second. The Melanesians, sometimes called Papuans (q.v., the Malay name for the natives of New Guinea, the headquarters of the race), are physically negroid in type, nearly black, with crisp curly hair, flat noses and thick lips. In all essentials they agree with the African type: such variations as there are, for example, the more developed eyebrow ridges, narrower, often prominent nose, and somewhat higher narrower skull, obviously owing their existence to crossing with the Malay or the Polynesian races. The oceanic black peoples must thus be regarded as having a connexion more or less remote with the African negroes. Whether the two families have a common ancestor in the negritos of Malaysia and the Indian archipelago, or whether Papuan and Negrito are alike branches of an aboriginal African race, is a problem yet to be solved. But if their origin is unknown, of the oceanic world, possibly reaching it from Malaysia. They there is little doubt that the Melanesians were the earliest occupants undoubtedly constitute the oldest ethnic stock sometimes modifed on the spot by crossings with migratory peoples (Malays, Polynesians); sometimes, as in the eastern Pacific, giving way entirely before the invaders. islanders refer to a black indigenous race which occupied their islands The traditions of many of the Polynesian when their ancestors arrived, and the black woolly-haired Papuan type is not only found to-day in Melanesia proper, but traces of it occur throughout Polynesia and Micronesia. That the oceanic blacks form one family there can be no doubt, and it is evidence of the immensely remote date at which their dispersion began that they have a multitude of languages often unintelligible except locally, and an extraordinary variety of insular customs: differentiations which must have needed centuries to be effected. Furthermore the Rev. R. H. Codrington (Melanesian Languages) has adduard oceanic stock-language, and that both Malays and Polynesians evidence to prove that Melanesia is the most primitive form of the speak later dialects of this archaic form of speech. The Melanesians then, must be regarded as the aborigines of Oceania. came to occupy the region it is impossible to say. Evidence custs explain how the blacks came to inhabit the isolated Pacific islands. as to the migrations of the brown races; but there is nothing to In this connexion it is a curious fact, and one which deepens the mystery, that, unlike the Polynesian peoples, who are all bort. sailors, the blacks are singularly unskilful seamen.

How they

The second ethnic division, the Polynesian-Micronesian races, represents a far later migration and occupation of the Pacific islands. It has been urged that these brown peoples sprang from one stock with the Malays and the Malagasy of Madagascar; and that they represent this parent stock better than the Malays who have bec much modified by crossings. But linguistic and physical evidence are against this theory. It is practically certain that the Polynesians at least are an older race than the Malays and their subfamilies. The view which has received most general acceptance is that they represent a branch of the Caucasic division of mark.d who migrated at a remote period possibly in Neolithic times from the Asiatic mainland travelling by way of the Malay Archipelago and gradually colonizing the eastern Pacific. The Polynesians, who as represented by such groups as the Samoans and Marquesas islanders, are the physical equal of Europeans, are of a light brown colour, ta well-proportioned, with regular and often beautiful features. Sch an explanation of the Polynesian's origin does not preclude a relatinaship with the Malays. It is most probable that the two stocks bave Asiatic ancestors in common, though the Polynesians remain to day, what they must have always been in remote times, a distinct race. Of their sub-division, the Micronesians, the same cannot be said. They are undoubtedly a very hybrid race, owing this charac teristic to their geographical position in the area where the dominate ing races of the Pacific, Malays, Polynesians, Melanesians, Japanese

1 From these the three main divisions of the islands are named POLYNESIA, MELANESIA, MICRONESIA (q.v.).