Our principal object being to point out wherein the two Napoleons resembled or differed from each other as regards character, intellect, and career, we shall abstain from all personalities which do not bear thereon. Probably no two men have ever been so heartily maligned, abused, and condemned as "Napoléon le grand,” and “ Napoléon le petit”; but both of them, outwardly, seemed to be indifferent to it, and seldom visited the guilty parties with punishment, except when serious political disturbances might be feared. Nevertheless Napoleon I. once remarked "if caricatures sometimes avenge misfortune they form a continual annoyance to power, and how many have been made upon me! I think I have had my share of them."* There was one form of caricature that greatly annoyed the late emperor. His legs were short in proportion to his body, so that when sitting, or on horseback, he might have been taken for a much taller man than he really was; so the delight of the Parisian wags was to represent him with a small body and long, stout legs, immense nose, and straight monstache a foot long, and pointed at both ends, or else standing in such an attitude as to make one leg appear much longer than the other. He at length gave orders to the police to suppress all caricatures wherein he was represented as deformed, or in a ludicrous attitude. It is understood that Queen Victoria discontinued taking in Punch because one of its caricatures represented her dancing "the Highland fling with Lord Aberdeen, Sir Robert Peel, and Sir James Graham, her three principal ministers.

Both uncle and nephew were false to their promises to Italy. At the outset of Napoleon's brilliant career in that peninsula, when victory after victory crowned his movements against the Austrians, and the delighted Italians were flocking to his standard by thousands, he talked loudly of conferring liberty on the invaded country, of equality and fraternity, and of the deposing of the tyrants-native and foreign-who shared the peninsula between them. He even went so far as to found the Cisalpine, the Transpadane, and the Ligurian republics.

*Las Casas, vol. i., p. 201.

He promised ultimate unification to Italy, but when he had overrun that unhappy land he annexed it to his empire. Ile made his stepson, Eugene Beauharnais, viceroy of it, and his brother, Joseph, king of Naples. The latter, having been subsequently made king of Spain, was succeeded by his brother-in-law, Murat. Rome and the States of the Church were seized and made a portion of the kingdom of Italy, and the Pope, Pius VII., was removed to France in spite of his vehement expostulations and implorings. The upshot of all this violence and desperate attempt at "universal dictatership" was a revulsion in the feelings of the Italians, and, indeed, of all Europe, which re-established the old governments in greater force than ever, and it has cost Italy many years of war and suffering to regain her liberties.

Let us see how Italy fared with the French republic of 1848, the president, Louis Napoleon, and the second empire. The downfall of Louis Phillippe, in the revolution of 1848, was the signal for a general uprising of the European people against their rulers. The flame spread from France all over Germany and Italy. Hungary tried to throw off the yoke of Austria-so did the Italians in Lombardy, Venice, and Boulogne. The Sicilians revolted against the Bourbons of Naples ; and Garibaldi, Mazzini, and Saffi established a republic in Rome. When the patriots appealed to the newly constituted French republic for aid, General Cavaignac replied that, though he was favorable to a federation of the different states of Italy, he could not assist them in the formation of a united and independent nation. On his accession to the presidency, Louis Napoleon adopted the same policy. He, moreover, recognized the traditional policy of France, with regard to the papacy, and sent an army to Rome to suppress the republic and reinstate the Pope. This was accomplished after a month's siege of the city. He also suffered Charles Albert, of Sardinia, to be overpowered by the Austrians, and, before the close of 1849, he had the satisfaction of seeing Italy rendered once more a "geographical expression." Lombardy and Venetia were restored to Austria; Sicily to Naples; the Romagna to the Papacy; and the Duchies to their former

rulers. In despair and disgust the Italians bitterly denounced Louis Napoleon, and reproached him with having violated the oath which he had taken to the Carbonari years before, when he and his brother Charles joined the conspirators at Ancona. They threatened him with the fate of his brother, who had fallen beneath a Carbonaro dagger because he, too, had refused to act against the Pope. From that time Louis Napoleon was in hourly dread of assassination, but the ceaseless vigilance of his friend, Pietri, whom he had made Minister of Police, preserved him from many attempts-nevertheless Pianori and Orsini nearly succeeded in taking his life. The Crimean war once more brought Italy prominently before Europe. The astute Sardinian minister, Cavour, saw in it an opportunity for carrying out his long cherished schemes for liberating Lombardy and Venitia, and, perhaps, more. He joined the alliance against Russia, and sent a contingent of troops to the Crimea. This gave him a right to be present when the negotiations for peace were begun, and he took that opportunity to press the claims of Italy to independence. He understood Napoleon, pointed out to him that his life would never be safe from an Italian knife if he did not assist. in expelling the Austrians from Italy, and offered him Nice and Savoy as the price of his aid.

The bait took. Fear and ambition brought about what nothing else could, the presence of a French army in Italy. Then, in 1859, followed the campaign of Magenta and Solferino, the sudden truce of Villafranca, and the treaty of Zurich. Italy was again bitterly disappointed. Louis Napoleon had entered Piedmont at the head of a powerful army, proclaiming his intention of making Italy free "from the Alps to the Adriatic." This may have been an artfully contrived expression, since it might be construed to mean only that portion of the peninsula lying between the Rhotian or the Julian Alps and the northern shore of the Adriatic. But the Italian patriots understood it to mean the whole of Italy, and when, after six weeks fighting, the war was suddenly brought to a cl se, and all that was achieved was the annexation of Lombardy to Piedmont-not even Venitia having been

recovered their indignation was excessive. Garibaldi roundly denounced the cession of Nice, his native city, and cursed the hand that "had made him a Frenchman." He was not to be restrained. With a few intrepid spirits he invaded Sicily and liberated the island from the hated king of Naples. Ile followed up his marvellous success by success still more marvellous, and drove Francis II. out of Naples. The victorious chieftain complacently handed the kingdom of the two Sicilies over to King Victor Emanuel, of Sardinia, who as complacently accepted it; and the duchies and the Romagna having risen and expelled their Bourbon rulers, and invited Victor Emanuel to take their place, he did so, and proclaimed himself King of Italy, to the astonishment of Europe and the indignation of Napoleon III., whose policy had all along been to prevent the unification of Italy. He vented his spleen by opposing obstacles to General Cialdini in his siege of Gaëta, where the ex king and queen of Naples had entrenched themselves; and by preventing the Italian fleet from blockading the harbor, he prolonged the siege until famine caused the besieged to surrender. In vain did Victor Emanuel remonstrate against the unjustifiable interference on the part of Napoleon. The insulting reply he got, was, that the emperor desired thus to show his sympathy with the young king and queen, sympathy for Francis II.!! and none for liberated Italy!!

All this time the emperor had maintained a French garrison in Rome, which city was now all that was left to the Church of her temporal possessions. He utterly disregarded the wishes of the Italians, who looked upon Rome as their rightful capital. Garibaldi made some heroic attempts to repel the French by force, but failed. The campaign of Sadowa and the alliance between Italy and Prussia, in 1866, liberated Venetia from the Austrians, and there now remained only "the Eternal City" wanting to complete the map of United Italy. It was relinquished at last by Napoleon III., and thus the finishing stroke was put to his Italian policy. What had he gained by it? The hatred and contempt of the Italians. He might have liberated Italy from north to south,

but he preferred to keep her divided-yet he went far enough to make enemies of those French statesmen who held to the old traditional policy of a disunited Italy. When the Prussians were advancing on Paris he applied to Italy for help, but was refused it, because Italy was then an ally of Prussia! and she was busy making tunnels through the Alps, and railways to her seaports, in order to draw away to her own ports the commerce of Marseilles!

We have not said anything about Napoleon the Third's military exploits in Italy, for they did not amount to anything. Though he had an army three times as numerous as that with which his uncle won the battles of Montenotte, Mondovi, Millesimo, Lodi, and Arcola, he barely made head against the Austrians. His marshals, Niel and McMahon, did all the work, but his was not the master mind that directed them. He was the cause of nearly losing the day at Magenta, and as for Solferino, it was practically a drawn battle. A decisive victory was not what he wanted. It is said that he had received an intimation from Prussia that if he pressed the war any further Germany would come to the assistance of Austria, and hence the abrupt termination of the contest. This may have been so-indeed, Napoleon intimated as much-but we are inclined to think, as we have already said, that the unification of Italy was no part of his plan, and he was glad of an excuse for giving up the struggle.

It is a characteristic common to the two emperors that all their wars were of their own seeking. The revolution of 1789 having roused the fears of Europe, a coalition of the powers against France was talked of; but the republican government took the initiative (after the silly parade of the Duke of Brunswick at Valmoy and Jemappes), and French armies entered Germany and the Netherlands. Napoleon was merely an instrument in that first war, but it raised him to the very highest distinction, and made him practically master of the Directory and of France. The victor of Lodi dictated terms to the vanquished, and the Directory had to acquiesce therein. From that time to 1814, he controlled the destinies of France, so far as any human being can be said to "control