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ward III. it is probable that the French and English languages subsisted together throughout the kingdom, slow and almost imperceptible degrees, In proportion nearly as the English natives were emerging from tliat state of depression in which they were placed by the conquest: we have no reason to believe that much progress was made in either of these matters before the reign of King John. The loss of Normandy, &c. in that rctgn, and the consequent regulations of lien. III. and Louis IX. by which the subjects of either crown were made incapable of holding lands in the dominions of the other, {Mattb. Parist ad an. 1244,] must have greatly diminished the usual conflux ofNormans to the English court; and the intestine commotions in this country under John and Henry Hi. in which so many of the greater barons lost their lives and estates, must eventually have opened a way for the English to raise themselves to honours and possessions, to which they had very rarely before been admitted to aspire.—In tlie year 1x58, the 42 Hen. III. we have a particular instance (the first I believe of tlie kind) of attention on tlie side, of government to the Engliih part of the community. The letters patent which the King was advised to publiih in support os tlie Oxford provisions were sent to each county in Latin, French, and Engliih, [Annal. Burton, p. 416.3 One of them has been printed from the patent-roll, 43 Henry III. n. 40. m. 15, by Somner In his DicJ. Sax. v. Unnan, and by Hearne, Text Rojjs. p. 391. At tlie fame time all the proceedings in the business of the provisions appear to have been carried on in French, and the principal persons in both parties are evidently of foreign extraction. If a conjecture may be allowed in a matter so little capable of proof, I should think it probable that the necessity which the great barons were under at this time of engaging the body of the people to support them in their opposition to a new set of foreigners, chiefly Poitevins, contributed very much to abolish the invidious distinctions which had long subsisted between the French and Engliih parts of the nation. In the early times after the conquest, if we may believe Henry of Huntingdon, [L. vi. p. 370,] to be called an EngHJhman was a reproach: but when the Clares, the Bohuns, the Bigods, &c. were raising armies for tlie expullionof fg

the higher orders both of the clergy and laity (20) ipeaking almost universally French, the lower retainfeigners out of the kingdom, they would not probably be unwilling to have themselves considered as natives of England; accordingly Matthew Paris, [p. 833,3 calls Hugh Bigod (a. brother of the Earl Marshall) i-irum dc terra Anghrum naturaUm et ingemtifin ; and in another passage, rp.851,] he appropriate* the title of alienigeiLe to those foreigners qui Reginæ attinentes per earn bifoduftifuerant in Angliam ; and so perhaps the word ought generally to be understood in the transactions of that reign : none but persons born out of England were then esteemed as foreigners. — About the fame time we find an arcli

biihop of York objecting to clerks (recommended to benefices by the Pope) because they were " ignorant of the Englilh language," [Mat. Par. p. 831,] which seems to imply that a knowledge of that language was then considered among the proper qualifications of an ecciesiaftick; but that it was not necetffrily required, even in the parochial clergy, appears from the great number of foreign parsons, vicars, EJV. who had the King's letters of protection in the x$ year of Edw- I. See the VJls in PrynnCy t. i. p. 709—710.

(20) The testimony of Robert of Gloucester (who lived in the times of H. III. and E. 1.) is so full and precise to this point that I trust the reader will not be displeased to see it in his own ivords, or rather in the words of that very incorrect mf. which Hearne has religiously followed in his edition: Rob. Glouc. p. 364. Thus come lo! Engelond into Normannes honde. And theNormansnecouthe speketho botcher owe (a) speche, And fpeke French as dtule atom (b)t and here chyldren dude ing the use os their native ton?ur,V>ut also frequently adding to it a knowledge of the other. The general inducements which the English had to acquire the French language have been touched upon above; to> which must be added, that the children who were put to learn Latin were under a necessity of learning French at the fame time, as it was the constant

al so teche, So that hey men of thys lond, that of her blod come, Holdeth alle thulke speche that hii of hem nome. Vorbot* [c) a man couthe French,me toltb (if) of hym well lute; As (<:) lowe men holdeth to Englyssand andtoherianJ^ speche yutefj).

fa) But their oitm. (d) lien toIrl.—httcf\hlle.

(byDid at borne. (t 1 But.--'.untiet natural.

(c, Fa- but. (f) Tit.

Ich wer.e tlier tie he man in world contreyes none,

That ne holdeth to her kunde fpeche, bore Engelond one.

Ac well me wot vor to couhe bethe wel yt ys,

Vor the more that a man con the more worth he ye.

I Ilia'; throw together here a few miscellaneous facts in confirmation of this general testimony of Robert of Gloucester.— A letter of Hugh Bilhop of Coventry, preserved by Hoveden [p. 704,] assures us that William Bishop of Ely, Chancellor and Prime Minister to Richard V.linguivn Angiicanatn prorsiis ignorabat.—-— In the reign of Henry HI. Robert of Gloucester intending, as it should seem, to yivt the very words <»f Peter BiIhop of Hereford, (whom he has just called "a Frienss bishop,") makes him speak thus—ParCriJl, he fede, Sir Tomat^ tu is

mai'eis. Mchithev te ay set. Rob. Glouc. p. 537. There is

a more pleasant instance os the familiar use os the French lanRuatceby a bishop as late as the time of Edward II. Louis, consecrated BilhopoF Durham'irn ?iH,wa« unfortunately very illiterate—** laicus; Latlr.um non intellieeiis,sed cum difficultate ** pronuncjaris. Unde, cum in consecratione sui profiteri de*' huit, quamvis per multus dies ante inttructorem habuisset, *' legre nescivit: et cum, auriculantibua [f. articular.! ib us] **aliis, cum difficultate ad illnd ver burn mttropoliticæ perve•* nisset, et diu anhclans pronunciare non posset, dixit inGallico; •' Sett pur diu.—Et cum fimilitercelebiaret ordines, nee illud ** verbum in anigmate proferre posset, dixit circumitantinu*; "f.w Scint Lxnvyi* il ntfu pas curtehjjui cestc parole id e/crit" Hist. Dtmehn. ap. Wbarton^ Ang. Sac. t. i. p. 70"i.—The transactions at Norham in 1:191, the 20 Fd.1, with respect to the SCottiSr succession, appear to have been almost wholly carried practice- in a!! schools from the conquest (21) till about the reign of Edward III. to make the lcholars

on in French, for which it is difficult to account but by suppoling that language to have been the language of the court in both nations. [See the Hoilde Superior. Keg. Angl. in Prynne, t. i. p. 487, "Jc1-1 Edward's claim of the superiority is first made by Sir Roger I3rr.banson, termini* Gallic1), and afterwards the Bishop of liatli and We!Is, and the king himself, speak to the assembly of English and Scots 11 the fame language, [tt'ki. p.

499, 501.] The answers of the Uilhop of Durham tn the

Pope's nuncios in Gallico, ['/'alt. Hemingf. a j an. 1 295 J mav; be supposed to have been out of complaisance to the cardinals, (though, by the way, they do not appear to have been French? men) but no such construction can be put upon the following fact related by Matthew of Wehuiinuer. [ail an.\ 301, p. 43S.J The Archbilhop of Canterbury informs the Pope that he had presented his Holineues' letters to the king in a full court, 71101 if/e dominui rex rmrenttr recipient, eat public: legicoram oil;* nibui, et in Gallica lingua fecerat patentee exponi.

(21) Ingutphus, a contemporary writer, informs us that this practice liegan at the conquest, [p. 71. ] " Ipsum etiam idioma '• sAnglicum] tantum abhorrehant, [Normanni,] quod leges "terræ Itatutaque Anglicorum regum lingua Gallica tracla-, '' rentur; etpueris etiam in/cboJii principle liter arum ;,\itKmji "tied Gallice ac nm Anglice traiUrer.tur j modus etiam ftrU *' bci.di Anglicus omitteretur, et modus Gall'icus in chartis e£ "in libris omnibus admitteretur." And Trevifa, the translator and augmenter of Higden's Polychronicon in the reign of.Rn clurd II. gives us a very particular accSunt of its beginning to be disused within his own memory. The two passages of Hig. den and Trevifa throw so much light upon the subject of our fresent inquiry that I shall insert them both at length s.om ins. Had. 1900, as being more correct in several places than the mf. from which. Dt. Hickes furmerly.printed Jluim in. his

Prcf. ad Tb:f. Ling. Septent. p. xvii. /fifdenU Po'jxl'rcu.

b. 1. c. lix. "This apayringe of the birthe tongc is by cause of "tweye thinges; oon is for children in stole, a-a-ues the usage .- Ftlumc I. . J£

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