1881, June 1. SECRETARY BLAINE TO MINISTER MORGAN.

At this late day it needs no disclaimer on our part of the existence of even the faintest desire in the United States for territorial extension south of the Rio Grande. The boundaries of the two Republics have been long settled in comformity with the best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of demarkation is not conventional merely. It is more than that. It separates a Spanish-American people from a Saxon-American people. It divides one great nation from another with distinct and natural finality.-Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 331.

1881, Nov. 19.

SECRETARY BLAINE TO MINISTER LOWELL.

For self-protection to her own interests, therefore, the United States in the first instance asserts her right to control the Isthmus transit. And, secondly, she offers by such control that absolute neutralization of the canal as respects European powers which can in no other way be certainly attained. and lastingly assured.

If it be asked why the United States objects to the assent of European governments to the terms of neutrality for the operation of the canal, my answer is that the right to assent implies the right to dissent, and thus the whole question would be thrown open for contention as an international issue. It is the fixed purpose of the United States to confine it strictly and solely as an American question, to be dealt with and decided by the American Government.-Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., II., 212, 214.

1881, Dec. I.

SECRETARY BLAINE TO MINISTER TRESCOT.

The United States, with which Peru has for many years. maintained the most cordial relations, has the right to feel and express a deep interest in its distressed condition, and while, with equal friendliness to Chili, we will not interpose to deprive her of the fair advantages of military success, nor put any obstacle to the attainment of future security, we cannot regard with unconcern the destruction of Peruvian nationality. If our good offices are rejected, and this policy of the absorption of an independent state be persisted in, this Government

will consider itself discharged from any further obligation to be influenced in its action by the position which Chili has assumed, and would hold itself free to appeal to the other Republics of this continent to join in an effort to avert conse quences which cannot be confined to Chili and Peru, b, which threaten with extremest danger the political institutions the peaceful progress, and the liberal civilization of all Amer ica.-Wharton, Digest of the International Law of ne J. S... I., 344.

1882, Jan. 9. SECRETARY FRELINGHUYSEN TO MINISTER

TRESCOT.

Were the United States to assume an attitude of dictation toward the South American Republics, even for the purpose of preventing war, the greatest of evils, or to preserve the autonomy of nations, it must be prepared by Army and Navy to enforce its mandate, and, to this end, tax our people for the exclusive benefit of foreign nations.

The President's policy with the South American Republics and other foreign nations is that expressed in the immortal address of Washington, with which you are entirely familiar. What the President does seek to do is to extend the kindly offices of the United States impartially to both Peru and Chili, whose hostile attitude to each other he seriously laments.-Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 344.

1883, Jan. 4. SECRETARY FRELINGHUYSEN TO MINISTER

REED.

On the ground that "the decision of American questions pertains to America itself," the Department of State will not sanction an arbitration by European states of South American difficulties, even with the consent of the parties.-Wharton, Digest of the International Law of the U. S., I., 295.

1885, Dec. 8.

CLEVELAND'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. Maintaining, as I do, the tenets of a line of precedents from Washington's day, which proscribe entangling alliances with foreign states, I do not favor a policy of acquisition of new and distant territory or the incorporation of remote interests

with our own. Our duty in the present instructs us to address ourselves mainly to the development of the vast resources of the great area committed to our charge, and to the cultivation of the arts of peace within our own borders, though jealously alert in preventing the American hemisphere from being involved in the political problems and complications of distant governments. Therefore, I am unable to recommend propositions involving paramount privileges of ownership or right outside of our own territory, when coupled with absolute and unlimited engagements to defend the territorial integrity of the state where such interests lie. While the general project of connecting the two oceans by means of a canal is to be encouraged, I am of opinion that any scheme to that end to be considered with favor should be free from the features alluded to.-Congressional Record, 1885–86, I., 110.

1889, Mar. 4.

HARRISON'S INAUGURAL.

We have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference with European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of their contentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly offices to promote peace, but never obtruding our advice, and never attempting unfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into commercial advantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect that our European policy will be the American policy of European courts. It is so manifestly incompatible with those precautions for our peace and safety which all the great powers habitually observe and enforce in matters affecting them that a shorter waterway between our eastern and western seaboards should be dominated by any European government that we may confidently expect that such a purpose will not be entertained by any friendly power. -Congressional Record, 1889–90, I., 3.

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