"Quat soule pat tyme he prey fore, As many as he wyl for calle, pai xul be delyueryd alle Qwyl pe messe is in seyzyng."(1) P. 135, 1. 272. non hope of hele, and so Hampole: "Bot til þam þat er dampned for ay Na gude dede avayle ne help may, Nouther almus dede, prayer, ne messe."-P. C. 3706-8. In the "Tale of the Falmouth Squires," printed for this society in Mr Furnivall's collection of Political and Religious Poems (1866), we have, not indeed the offensive illustration of the "ded dogge," but a father in the pains of hell warns his son (p. 100): "Thou take me never in thi prayer."-1. 230. giving as a reason, "For euer the lenger pu prayes for me, My paynes shalle be more and more."-1. 233-4. The received opinion was that the pleading of the church did not extend beyond purgatory. On the other hand we have the often-told story of Saint Gregory and his "gran vittoria,”(2) in having obtained the transfer to Paradise of the soul of the Emperor Trajan, "without singing of mass, "(3) though the legend tells us the pope was cautioned by an angel never again to pray for the release of a soul from hell. The writer of The Stacyons of Rome appears to have thought it a much more simple matter. In describing the chapel of the Scala cali, he says:—— "Who-so syngep masse yn þat chappelle For any frend, he losep hym fro helle; He may hym brynge porow purgatory, y-wys, In-to be blys of paradys. Ther sowles abyde tylle domis day In myche Ioye, as y 30u say."(4) In the MS. York Hora, from which the Hours of the Cross are printed, there is a Latin prayer (fol. 83), which a rubric vouches as equally prevailing : :- "Cuilibet dicenti hanc oracionem, conceditur quod si esset in statu eterne dampnationis, deus transfert penam in purgatorii penam. Si vero fuerit in statu maxime purgatorii, deus (1) Harl. MS. 3954, f. 76. See above, p. 367. (2) Dante, Purgat. x, 75, in the description of the sculptures on the marble bank of the first circle of purgatory. Piers Plowman (Skeat), C Text, p. 220, 1. 85. Poems, 1866, Furnivall, p. 119, 1, 172–176. mutat hanc purgatorii penam et ipsum sine purgatorio ad eterna gaudia proculdubio perducat." P. 136, 1. 289. This story is told with some variations of St Austin of England, both in the Douce and Harleian MSS. Robert Brunne has a similar story of jangling women and the fiend in his Handlyng Synne. (1) He does not give a name to priest or deacon, but in the Book of the Knight of La Tour-Landry in Anjou, (2) of which the French original was written much about the same time as our Vernon MS., we find the claims of local saints(3) are recognized, and St Martin takes the place of the pope, and St Brice officiates as deacon instead of our English saint. 1. 310. As God 3af him pe grace. "pan wyst þe prest þurghe þat syst þat he was weyl wyp Gode almy3t.”—H. S. 9306-7. This word occurs as a verb active, as for example P. 137, 1. 316. race. "pair awen flessch of-ryve and race.”—P. C. 7379. "Lat every man doon his besy cure To race out pride and set in first meeknesse."(4) Chaucer in his Boethius uses arace(5) in the phrase to " cloutes out of clothes,"(6) and in the Clerkes Tale: (1) Ed. Furnivall, p. 287, 1. 2263, 9315. in the French original. arace There is nothing to correspond (2) Translation, ed. Wright, E. E. T. S., p. 41. (3) St Martin was Bishop of Tours, and was succeeded by St Brice (Britius) in that see towards the end of the fourth century. (4) Minor Poems, Halliwell, Percy Soc., p. 162. Lydgate continues the horticultural metaphor-rooting out-planting in. (5) We still have this verb in the compound form. Johnson gives "erase (Fr. raser), to destroy, to exscind ;" and Richardson, "Lat. eradere, erasum, to scrape out." Both give the example of the heraldic "erased," which is used in contrast to "couped," but if the word in this sense were connected with shaving, whatever may be the case when used of making an erasure, its heraldic use would not in itself imply anything different from couped, whereas instead of the clean cut of the couped, it means jagged, as if the head or limb of the animal had been "plucked out," as in the quotation in Richardson. This explanation would have seemed enough to suggest that the primary meaning was to eradicate, to tear out by the roots; and, pace the lexicographers, that both eradicate and erase had a common derivation: eradicate coming direct from the Latin, and erase through the O. F. erracher, aracher (arracher); Lat, exradicare, abradicare. See Littré: racine, L. L. radicula, Lat. radix, icis. Palsgrave, as Leland above, seems to have kept this etymology in view: "I pull up by the roote, or pull out by vyolence. Je arrache, arracher, jesrache, or araser, and je desracine. Hercules, in his furye, pulled up gret tres by the rootes: Hercules, en sa fureur, arracha les arbres hors de terre, or esracha, or desracina les arbres."-L'Eclaircissement, 670, a. (6) Boethius, Morris, E. E. T. S., p. 11, 1, 195. "The children from her arm they gonne arace."-C. T. 8979. But the verb is here used intransitively, and in the next line as a verb active, and can hardly be the word which, with the same spelling, means "to tear," or "root out." It's meaning seeins to be "to stretch;" and, although I cannot refer to other examples of this use of the word, it makes sense in both places, which "rooting out "most certainly does not; and I think it is justified by the use of kindred words. Cf. Icel. rekja, part. rakinn, "to spread out, unfold, unwind, of cloth, a clew, thread, and the like" (C-V. 492); also “rekkja, to strain, stretch out."-Ib. 493. 66 M. G. uf-rakjan, which Ulfilas uses for Kreiveiv, e. g. ufrakei po handu peina," "stretch forth thy hand."-St Luke vi, 10; and for iπionãσ0αι, "ni ufrakjai." Vulg. Non adducat præputium." A. V. "Let him not become uncircumcised" (lit. be stretched).— 1 Cor. vii, 18. A. S. 66 ræcan, to reach, extend, hold out, offer." Bosworth quotes "ræhte forð his hand," "put out (stretched forth) his hand." -Gen. xxxviii, 28. Bouterwek(1) quotes, “to unrihte handum ræcean, extendere ad iniquitatem manus suas.”—Ps. (125) cxxiv, 4. See also the perfect "rauhte," in 1. 348. P. 137, 1. 319. marbel ston. A touch of local colour, for according to this version of the legend the Church was at Rome. 1. 336. I say = saw. "Twey wymmen Ianglede pere besyde, Betwyx hem to, y say a fende."-H. S. 9279-80. 1. 338. langare, at a longer (greater) distance, further on. St Augustine showed the pope where he saw the fiend sit, and, with a malediction at the mention of him, pointed to where the women sat, further off than the fiend. The piece was intended for recitation, and was probably accompanied with a certain amount of action. P. 140, 1. 429. To wite what pe prest seip. See p. 211. 1. 445. endauntes. A reference to "the deaf adder, which refuseth to hear the voice of the charmer."-Ps. lviii, 4, 5. Cf. "Als of a neddre def als-swa þat stoppand es his eres twa, pat noght sal here pe steven wicchand Of hunter wichand wiseli in land.”—Ps. (58) lvii, 5-6. 1. 446. This exemplum of the adder may probably have been added after the rise of the Lollard controversy as to the reading of scripture in an unknown tongue. (1) Cadmon, II, 236. It may be noticed that this stanza is not corrupted by frequent transcription of scribes who wrote in different dialects. P. 141, 1. 461-72. It will be noticed that the two last tails do not rhyme with the two first. The northern -es in the second person singular (ledes, 1. 469) no doubt gave occasion to a southern scribe to make the change. P. 142, 1. 512. See as to the offertory p. 230–242. 1. 519. catel encrease. 1. 521. pus seide. 1. 522. in his honde. See on "virtues" of the mass, ante, p. 366. See p. 22, and note, p. 245. See note, p. 236-7. P. 143, 1. 537. loute. Note, p. 252 1. 545. secre. Note, p. 265. 1. 559. stondynge, altered from the northern standand. on the people knelt during the canon. See p. 273. As time went P. 144, 1. 571. þe belle. The ringing of a bell at the elevation was general when the original was written, if I have rightly placed the date in the thirteenth century. See ante, p. 280. 1. 572. scorn. The received doctrine as to transubstantiation or, more exactly, concomitance was not explicitly allowed by all the English schoolmen in the thirteenth century, and their opinions may possibly have been the occasion of this language. But the reference seems rather to those who gave offence by irreverent conduct than to theological dissidents. It does not look like an insertion with reference to the Lollards or Wycliffites, after enquiries had passed from the schools to the people, for what was objected against them was not so much a denial of the reality of the sacramental presence, as their assertion of the continued existence of the substance of the elements of the bread and wine. 1. 581, 582. Flesch-blod. This language, apart from lines 587-8, might have been written by one who did not accept the doctrine of concomitance, and may probably have come down from an earlier period. According to this doctrine the blood accompanies the body (hence the name), and the body is present in the chalice-totus et integer Christus sub utraque specie. The greater definiteness of later forms is very marked, "Lord in form of bread" (ante, p. 40, C. 237), and so forth. 1. 590. spredes he, "ad modum crucis," p. 108, 1. 10, and note, p. 288. P. 145, 1. 605. Whon he haþ vsed, i. e. drunk of the chalice or communicated. The use of this verb in English, in the sense of drinking, seems to have been confined to the holy communion, not, however, invariably(1) of the consecrated elements. It was (1) "Also he shall offre, in a cruet of gold, wyne, which he shall vse in used in the twelfth century in France of common food and drink : "les grosses viandes user;" "del meillur vin usout (usait) que l'un trover poeit."(1) It has occurred to me that the English ecclesiastical use of this word may have arisen from the Vulgate, 1 Tim. v, 23, "modico vino utere, propter stomachum tuum"-" use a little wine for thy stomach's sake;" and that its employment for the communion of the laity was a survival from the times before the overruling of the command that all should drink of the cup. In the Promptorium the said chalice, after he is housilled."-(Device for the Coronation of King Henry VII) Rutland Papers, S. S., p. 21. Communion, sub utraque specie, was conceded to the kings of France at their coronation, but it will be seen from this extract that in this country there was no distinction of persons, and that the denial of the cup applied to the king equally with others. The change from the previous custom of the church, in formal abrogation of our Lord's command, was very gradual, but it had become the rule in the West by the end of the twelfth century. Still, as unconsecrated wine continued to be given to the communicants in the chalice, the unlearned appear to have remained in ignorance of it; and in 1281, the date of Archbishop Peckham's Lambeth constitutions, the administration of the communion under both kinds was a practice in cathedrals and monasteries.—(Lyndwood, lib. 1, tit. 1, c. Altissimus, p. 9.) It is there rehearsed that in other churches (minoribus ecclesiis) it is permitted to the celebrant only to receive the cup (sanguinem sub specie vini); and parish priests are required to instruct the simple folk (simplices) that what is “given to them to drink in the chalice (in calice) is not the sacrament, but wine without water (vinum purum), that they may the more easily swallow the sacrament which they had received." The Roman missal of 1570, which was decreed by the Council of Trent, directs the celebrant to purify himself and the communicants (se, et eos qui communicarunt, purificans); but when it was revised for the first time in 1600, it was directedand this remains, if not the practice, still the rule according to the existing missal, Rit. Celeb, Miss. x, 6—that the server should follow the priest bearing a vessel (vas) with wine and water for their purification. Gavanti gives the reason for adding the water: and the alteration from the calix of the mediæval constitution to the ras of the modern rubric, is explained in the Annotations issued by the Prince-Bishop of Augsburg, in 1612, to the clergy for the purpose of introducing the Roman rule: "In order to avoid a scandal and an error on the part of the people" (very probably as content in their ignorance as our simple folk in 1281), "the ablution," as the purification is here called, "is not to be given to the communicants according to the hitherto existing custom, in a chalice, but in a silver goblet, not made like a chalice, or in a glass drinking-cup, unlike those used at table."-Annotationes in quibus regulæ Romano more rite celebrandi et ministrandi insinuantur, Dilinga, 1612, p. 12. De communicantium Ablutione. (1) Martyr de Saint Thomas de Cantorbéry, 93, 102, quoted Littré, s. v. In the Manuel des Pechiez, we find a similar use in respect to the sacrament of the altar: "Ky le cors deu vodra vser Ou le prestre qe le deit sacrer." Roxburghe Club Edition, Furnivall, 1, 7235-6, |