In consequence of the prospect of peace, the departure of Mr. Jefferson has been suspended until the further orders of Congress. I had a letter from him yesterday, but he had not then been apprized of this resolution. He had seen the speech, and had, I doubt not, anticipated it. What course he will take during the suspense, I cannot say. My wish is that he may return to this place, where at least he will be able to pass away the time with less tedium."

104

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, February 18, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

The last paper from New York, as the enclosed will show you, has brought us another token of the approach of peace. It is somewhat mysterious, nevertheless, that the preliminaries with America should be represented by Secretary Townshend as actually signed, and those with France as to be signed; as also that the signing of the latter would constitute a general peace. I have never been without my apprehensions that some tricks would be tried by the British Court, notwithstanding their exterior fairness of late; and these apprehensions have been rendered much more serious, by the tenor of some letters which you have seen, and particularly by the intimation of the Minister of France to Mr. Livingston. These considerations have made me peculiarly solicitous that your mission should be pursued, as long as a possibility remained of your sharing in the object of it.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, February 25, 1783.

Congress are still engaged on the subject of providing adequate revenues for the public debt, particularly that due to the army. The recommendation of the impost will be renewed, with perhaps some little variation, to which will be superadded, probably, a duty on a few enumerated articles. Mr. Mercer, although he continues to be adverse to the measure, declares now that he will not carry his opposition out of Congress. Whether any other general revenues will be recommended is very uncertain. A poll-tax seems to be the only one sufficiently simple and equal for the purpose; and besides other objections to which even that is liable, the Constitution of Maryland, which interdicts such a tax, is an insuperable bar. The plan talked of by some, for supplying the deficiency, is to call on the States to provide each its proportion of a permanent revenue within itself, and to appropriate it to the continental debt. The objections against this plan are, that, as the execution of it will depend on a unanimous and continued punctuality in the thirteen States, it is a precarious basis for public credit; that this precariousness will be increased by mutual jealousies among the States; that others may be sparing themselves exertions which they are submitting to; and that these jealousies will be still more increased by the mutual opinion which prevails, that they are comparatively in advance to the United States, -an opinion which cannot be corrected without closing the accounts between all of them and the

United States, prerequisites to which are, a valuation of the land, and a final discrimination of such parts of the separate expenditures of the States as ought to be transferred to the common mass, from such parts as ought in justice, to fall on the particular States themselves. Some States, also, will contend, and it would seem neither against the principles of justice nor the spirit of the Confederation, for a retrospective abatement of their share of the past debt, according to their respective disabilities, from year to year, throughout the war. What will be the end of this complication of embarrassments, time only can disclose. But a greater embarrassment than any is still behind. The discontents and designs of the army are every day taking a more solemn form. It is now whispered, that they have not only resolved not to lay down their arms till justice shall be done them, but that, to prevent surprise, a public declaration will be made to that effect. It is added, and I fear with too much certainty, that the influence of General Washington is rapidly decreasing in the army, insomuch that it is even in contemplation to substitute some less scrupulous guardian of their in

terests.

There are a variety of rumors concerning peace, but none of them of sufficient authority to be particularized. The speech of the King of Great Britain to his Parliament, and the letter to the Lord Mayor of London from Secretary Townshend, as it is stated, are the only respectable evidence yet received. There are also rumors on the adverse side, which have still less the complexion of authenticity.

A quantity of clothing, on its passage through this

State to the British prisoners of war, under a passport of General Washington, was lately seized and condemned, under a law of this State against the importation of British goods. After several fruitless experiments to prevail on the seizors to relinquish their appeal to the law, the Legislature have, I am told, cut the business short by declaring the law, as far as it interfered with the authority of the passport, to be unconstitutional and void, ab initio.

You will suffer me to renew my exhortations to an exchange of your office under the State for a seat in the Legislature. It depends much, in my opinion, on the measures which may be pursued by Congress and the several States within the ensuing period of six months, whether prosperity and tranquillity, or confusion and disunion, are to be the fruits of the Revolution. The seeds of the latter are so thickly sown, that nothing but the most enlightened and liberal policy will be able to stifle them. The Eastern States, particularly Massachusetts, conceive that, compared with the Southern, they are greatly in advance in the general account. A respectable Delegate from Massachusetts, a few days ago, being a little chafed by some expressions of Messrs. Lee and Mercer unfavorable to loan-office creditors, said, that if justice was not to be obtained through the general Confederacy, the sooner it was known the better, that some States might be forming other confederacies adequate to the purpose; adding, that some had suffered immensely from the want of a proportional compliance with demands for men and money by others. However erroneous these ideas may be, do they not merit serious attention? Unless some

amicable and adequate arrangements be speedily taken for adjusting all the subsisting accounts, and discharging the public engagements, a dissolution of the Union will be inevitable. Will not, in that event, the Southern States, which, at sea, will be opulent and weak, be an easy prey to the Eastern, which will be powerful and rapacious; and, particularly, supposed claims of justice are on the side of the latter, will there not be a ready pretext for reprisal? The consequence of such a situation would probably be, that alliances would be sought, first by the weaker, and then by the stronger party, and this country be made subject to the wars and politics of Europe.105

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, March 4, 1783.

The past week has not added a syllable of evidence to our preceding calculations of peace. The inferences from the suspense are various as the fancies and interests of those who make them. Your letter by last post, which came to hand the day after the usual time, adopts, I conceive, the most rational solution, namely, the difficulties and delays incident to so complicated a negotiation.

Provision for the public debt continues the wearisome topic of congressional discussion. Mercer declared that, although he deems the opponents of a general revenue right in principle, yet, as they had