joy, if they should be finally established. To explain this, it must suffice to observe, that the latest letters from our Ministers express the greatest jealousy of Great Britain; and, secondly, that the situation of France between the interfering claims of Spain and the United States, to which may perhaps be added some particular views of her own, having carried her into a discountenance of our claims, the suspicions of our Ministers on that side gave an opportunity to British address to decoy them into a degree of confidence which seems to leave their own reputations, as well as the safety of their country, at the mercy of Shelburne. In this business, Jay has taken the lead, and proceeded to a length of which you can form little idea. Adams has followed with cordiality. Franklin has been dragged into it. Laurens, in his separate letter, professes a violent suspicion of Great Britain, and good will and confidence toward France. The dilemma to which Congress are reduced, is infinitely perplexing. If they abet the proceedings of their Ministers, all confidence with France is at an end, which, in the event of a renewal of the war, must be as dreadful as in that of peace it may be dishonorable. If they disavow the conduct of their Ministers, by their usual frankness of communication, the most serious inconveniences also present themselves. The torment of this dilemma cannot be justly conveyed without a fuller recital of facts than is permitted. I wish you not to hazard even an interlined decipherment of those which I have deposited in your confidence.

Despatches were yesterday received from General Washington, which have revived and increased our apprehensions on that side. There seems to be

reason to suspect that the intrigues of the civil creditors fan the discontents of the army. The conduct of Washington does equal honor to his prudence and to his virtue.

The state of our foreign affairs and of the army, combined with the difficulty and uncertainty of providing for justice and for our finances, and with the approaching exit of Morris, give a peculiar solemnity to the present moment. God send us a speedy and honorable deliverance from every danger. Pray hasten the new cipher which you have promised.108

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, March 25, 1783.

Your favor of the fifteenth instant was duly received yesterday. Mine, by yesterday's express, will have notified the consummation of our wishes by the settlement of the preliminaries of a general peace on the twentieth of January. The enclosed gazette will add all the circumstances under which the happy event is brought to us; happy it may indeed be called, whether we consider the immediate blessings which it confers, or the cruel distresses and embarrassments from which it saves us. The pecuniary aid of France, for the year 1783, had been unalterably limited to six millions of livres. The greatest part of this sum had been anticipated, and how our army could have been kept together for three months is utterly beyond my solution. As it is, God only knows how the plans in agitation for satisfying their

just expectations will terminate; or what will be the issue in case they should be abortive. The effects of the anonymous addresses mentioned in my last, on the irritable state of their minds, have been effectually obviated by the seasonable and judicious steps taken by the Commander-in-chief. The manner, however, in which he found it necessary, and indeed felt it to be his duty, to espouse their interest, enforces, in the highest degree, the establishment of adequate and certain revenues. The provision reported by a committee on this subject, and of which I sketched you the import, is still before Congress. The past deliberations upon it do not with certainty prognosticate its fate. I fear it calls for more liberality, and greater mutual confidence, than will be found in the American councils.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, April 1, 1783.

Your favor of the twenty-second ultimo, verifies my fears that some disappointment would defeat your plan of going into the Legislature. I regret it the more, as every day teaches me more and more the necessity of such measures as I know you would have patronized, and as are losing ground so fast in the temper of the States as to require every possible support. Unless some speedy and adequate provision be made, beyond that of the Confederation, the most dismal alternative stares me in the face. And yesterday's post brought us information that a

bill repealing the impost had passed the Lower House of Massachusetts; and one of a like import had made equal progress in the Legislature of South Carolina. These defections are alarming; but if a few enlightened and disinterested members would step forward in each Legislature to advocate for the necessary plans, I see with so much force the considerations that might be urged, that my hopes would still prevail. If advantage should be taken of popular prepossessions on one side, without counter efforts, there is, to be sure, room for nothing but despair.

The extract from 's letter, recited in yours, astonishes me more than it would do you, because I must be more sensible of its contrast to truth. High as my opinion of the object* of it was, the judgment, acuteness, and patriotism displayed in the last despatches from him have really enhanced it. So far are they in particular from studiously leaving us in the dark, that some of them are of as late date as any, if not later than those from several, and perhaps as voluminous as all the rest put together.

The zeal of Congress to hasten the effect of the general preliminaries led them (precipitately, as I conceive) to authorize the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to notify, to Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, the intelligence received by the French cutter on that subject, with their recall of American cruizers, in order that correspondent measures might be taken at New York. The answers from these Commanders were addressed to Robert R. Living

* Franklin.

ston, Esquire, &c. &c. &c., and imported that they could not suspend hostilities at sea without proper authority from their Sovereign; but as Congress placed full reliance on the authenticity of the intelligence, they supposed no objection could lie on their part against releasing all prisoners, &c. A letter from Digby to the French Minister is, I am told, remarkably surly and indecent, even for a British Admiral. We have received no official report of the signing of the general preliminaries, nor any further particulars relative to them. Your surmise as to the dangerous phraseology which may be used in designating our limits may be realized, if our Ministers are not cautious, or should yield to improper considerations. But I trust that no such defaults will happen on that side and that even if they should, the language used by Congress in all their own acts on that head will overpower any arguments that may be drawn from acts of their Ministers."

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, April 8, 1783.

Your favor of the twenty-ninth ultimo was duly received yesterday. Your apprehensions from the article in favor of British creditors correspond with those entertained by all whose remarks I have heard upon it. My hope is, that in the definitive treaty the danger may be removed, by a suspension of their demands for a reasonable term after peace.