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oath, embodied in the document, to observe its stipulations. | second card, according to his judgment. In case of his refusal Each took a copy and one was held by the scribe to be stored in the archives.

Appeal to the king was allowed and is well attested. The judges at Babylon seem to have formed a superior court to those of provincial towns, but a defendant might elect to answer the charge before the local court and refuse to plead at Babylon. Finally, it may be noted that many immoral acts, such as the use of false weights, lying, &c., which could not be brought into court, are severely denounced in the Omen Tablets as likely to bring the offender into "the hand of God" as opposed to "the hand of the king."

BIBLIOGRAPHY.-Contracts in general: Oppert and Menant, Documents juridiques de l'Assyrie et de la Chaldée (Paris, 1877); J. Kohler and F. E. Peiser, Aus dem babylonischen Rechtsleben (Leipzig, 1890 ff.): F. E. Peiser, Babylonische Verträge (Berlin, 1890), Kedinschriftliche Actenstücke (Berlin, 1889); Br. Meissner, Beitrage zur alibabylonischen Privatrecht (Leipzig, 1893); F. E. Peiser," Texte juristischen und geschäftlichen Inhalts,' vol. iv. of Schrader's Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (Berlin, 1896); C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents relating to the Transfer of Property (3 vols., Cambridge, 1898); H. Radau. Early Babylonian History (New York, 1900); C. H. W. Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts and Letters (Edinburgh, 1904). For editions of texts and the innumerable articles in scientific journals see the bibliographies and references in the above works. "The Code of Hammurabi," Editio princeps, by V. Scheil in tome iv. of the Textes Elanites-Semitiques of the Memoires de la délégation en Perse (Paris, 1902); H. Winckler, "Die Gesetze Hammurabis Königs von Babylon um 2250 v. Chr.' Der alte Orient. iv. Jahrgang, Heft 4; D. H. Müller, Die Gesetze Hammurabis (Vienna, 1903); J. Kohler and F. E. Peiser, Hammurabis Gesetz (Leipzig. 1904): R. F. Harper, The Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon about 2250 BC. (Chicago, 1904); S. A. Cook, The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi (London, 1903). (C. H. W. J.) BACAU, the capital of the department of Bacau, Rumania; situated among the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains, and on the river Bistritza, which enters the river Sereth 5 m. S. Pop. (1000) 16, 187, including 7850 Jews. Although of modern growth, Bacau is one of the chief commercial centres in Moldavia, possessing many large timber yards. It is on the main railway from Czernovitz, in Bukovina, to Galatz; and on two branch lines, one of which enters Transylvania through the Ghimesh Pass, while both give access to the salt mines, petroleum wells and forests of the Carpathians.

BACCARAT, a gambling card-game (origin of name unknown), supposed to have been introduced into France from Italy during the reign of Charles VIII. There are two accepted varieties of the game-baccarat chemin de fer (railway) and baccarat banque (or à deux tableaux). In baccarat chemin de fer six full packs of cards are used. These are shuffled by a croupier and then by any of the players who wish to do so. From three to eleven persons may play. Counters are generally used and are sold by the banker who afterwards redeems them. The croupier takes a number of cards from the top of the pack and passes them to the player on his right (sometimes left) who becomes banker, a position which he holds until he loses, when the deal passes to the player next in order. The other players are called punters. The banker places before him the sum he wishes to stake and the punters do likewise, unless a punter | desires to go bank, signifying his intention by saying, Banco! In this case he plays against the entire stake of the banker. After the stakes have been made the dealer deals a card to his right for the punters, then one to himself, then a third to his left for the punters and, finally, another to himself, all face downwards. Court cards and tens count nothing; all others the number of their pips. Each punter looks at his cards, and any one having 8 or 9 turns his card up and announces it, the hand then being at an end. The player having the highest stake plays for both punters, and if the card turned is better than that of the banker, the latter pays each punter the amount of his stake. If not, the banker wins all stakes and the game proceeds as before. If no announcement is made, meaning that neither player holds 8 or 9, the banker deals another card to the player on his right, who, if his first card is 6 or 7, will refuse it, fearing to overrun. The second card is turned face upwards on the table. If his card is 5 he may, or may not, accept the ડ

the card is offered to the second punter. If the first card is baccarat (i.e. amounts to o) or 1, 2, 3 or 4, a punter always accepts the second card. The banker then decides whether he will draw another card himself or expose his original ones, and when he has made his play pays or receives according as he wins or loses. Ties neither win nor lose but go over to the next deal. A player who has lost on going bank may go bank again, but no player may go bank more than twice in succession. In the variation baccarat banque (or à deux tableaux), three packs of cards are used and the banker is permanent; the player who offers to risk the largest amount occupying the position. A line is drawn across the table and any one wishing to do so may place his stake à cheval, i.e. on the line. Stakes so placed neither win nor lose if one side wins and the other loses, but win if both sides win and are lost if both sides lose. The laws of baccarat are complicated and no one code is accepted as authoritative, the different clubs making their own rules.

See Badoureau, Étude mathématique sur le jeu de baccarat (Paris, 1881); L. Billard, Bréviaire du baccara expérimental (Paris, 1883). BACCHANALIA, the Lat. name for the wild and mystic festivals of Bacchus (Dionysus). They were introduced into Rome from lower Italy by way of Etruria, and held in secret, attended by women only, on three days in the year in the grove of Simila (Stimula, Semele; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 503), near the Aventine hill. Subsequently, admission to the rites were extended to men and celebrations took place five times a month. The evil reputation of these festivals, at which the grossest debaucheries took place, and all kinds of crimes and political conspiracies were supposed to be planned, led in 186 B.C. to a decree of the senate-the so-called Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus, inscribed on a bronze tablet discovered in Calabria (1640), now at Vienna-by which the Bacchanalia were prohibited throughout the whole of Italy, except in certain special cases, in which the senate reserved the right of allowing them, subject to certain restrictions. But, in spite of the severe punishment inflicted upon those who were found to be implicated in the criminal practices disclosed by state investigation, the Bacchanalia were not stamped out, at any rate in the south of Italy, for a very long time (Livy xxxix. 8-19, 41; xl. 19).

BACCHYLIDES, Greek lyric poet, was born at Iulis, in the island of Ceos. His father's name was probably Meidon; his mother was a sister of Simonides, himself a native of Iulis. Eusebius says that Bacchylides "flourished" (kμašev) in Ol. 78. 2 (467 B.C.). As the term μašev refers to the physical prime, and was commonly placed at about the fortieth year, we may suppose that Bacchylides was born circa 507 B.C. Among his Odes the earliest that can be approximately dated is xii.,1 which may belong to 481 or 479 B.C.; the latest is vi., of which the date is fixed by the recently found fragment of the Olympic register to Ol. 82. 1 (452 B.C.). He would thus have been some forty-nine years younger than his uncle Simonides, and some fifteen years younger than Pindar. Elsewhere Eusebius states that Bacchylides "was of repute” (¿yvwpíšero) in Ol. 87. 2 (431 B.C.); and Georgius Syncellus, using the same word, gives Ol. 88 (428-425 B.C.). The phrase would mean that he was then in the fulness of years and of fame. There is nothing improbable in the supposition that he survived the beginning of the Peloponnesian war.

Bacchylides, like Simonides and Pindar, visited the court of Hiero I. of Syracuse (478-467). In his fifth Ode (476 B.C.), the word évos (v. 11) has been taken to mean that he had already been the guest of the prince; and, as Simonides went to Sicily in or about 477 B.C., that is not unlikely. Ode iii. (468 B.C.) was possibly written at Syracuse, as verses 15 and 16 suggest. He there pays a high compliment to Hiero's taste in poetry (ver. 3 ff.). A scholium on Pyth. ii. 90 (166) avers that Hiero preferred the Odes of Bacchylides to those of Pindar. The Alexandrian scholars interpreted a number of passages in Pindar as hostile allusions to Bacchylides or Simonides. If the scholiasts 1 The references are given according to the numbering in Jebb's edition.

are right, it would appear that Pindar regarded the younger of “On the Sources of Elevation in Style"; a work ambiguously the two Cean poets as a jealous rival, who disparaged him to ascribed to Cassius Longinus (circ. A.D. 260), but more probably their common patron (schol. Pyth. ii. 52 f.), and as one whose due to some writer of the first century of our era. In chapter poetical skill was due to study rather than to genius (Ol. ii. 91- xxxiii. of that treatise, the author asks whether we ought to 110). In Olymp. ii. 96 the dual yapvetov, if it does not refer prefer "greatness" in literature, with some attendant laulls, to the uncle and nephew, remains mysterious; nor does it admit to flawless merit on a lower level, and of course replies in the of probable emendation. One would gladly reject this tradition, affirmative. In tragedy, he asks, who would be lon of Chios to which the scholia so frequently reser; yet it would be rash rather than Sophocles; or in lyric poetry, Bacchylides rather than to assume that it rested merely on surmisc. The Alexandrians Pindar? Yet Bacchylides and lon are "fauluess, with a style may have possessed evidence on the subject which is now lost. of perfect elegance and finish.". In short, the essayist regards It is tolerably certain that the three poets were visitors at Hiero's Bacchylides as a thoroughly finished poet of the second class, who court at about the same time: Pindar and Bacchylides wrote never commits glaring saulis, but never reaches the loftier heights. odes of the same kind in his honour; and there was a tradition The first and most general quality of style in Bacchylides is that he preferred the younger poet. There is thus no intrinsic his perfect simplicity and clearness. Where the text is not improbability in the hypothesis that Pindar's haughty spirit corrupt, there are few sentences which are not lucid in meaning had suffered, or imagined, some mortification. It is noteworthy and simple in structure. This lucidity is partly due, no doubt, that, whereas in 476 and 470 both he and Bacchylides celebrated to the fact that he seldom attempts imagery of the bolder kind, Hiero's victories, in 468 (the most important occasion of all) and never has thoughts of a subtle or complex order. Yet it Bacchylides alone was commissioned to do so; although in that would be very unjust to regard such clearness as merely a comyear Pindar composed an ode (Olymp. vi.) for another Syracusan pensatory merit of lyric mediocrity, or to ignore its intimate victor at the same festival. Nor is it difficult to conceive that a connexion with the man's native grace of mind, with the artist's despot such as Hiero, whose constitutional position was ill feeling for expression, with the poet's delicate skill. How many defined, and who was perhaps all the more exigent of deference readers, who could enjoy and appreciate Pindar if he were less on that account, may have found the genial Ionian a more difficult, are stopped on the threshold by the aspect of his style, agreeable courtier than Pindar, an aristocrat of the Bocoto- and are fain to save their self-esteem by concluding that he is Acolic type, not unmindful of " his fathers the Aegidae," and at once turgid and shallow! A pellucid style must always have rather prone to link the praises of his patron with a lofty intima- been a source of wide, though modest, popularity for Bacchylides. tion of his own claims (see, c.g., Olymp. i. ad fin.). ` But, what- If it be true that Hiero preferred him to Pindar, and that he was ever may have been the true bearing of Pindar's occasional a favourite with Julian, those instances suggest the charm which innuendoes, it is at any rate pleasant to find that in the extant he must always have had for cultivated readers to whom affairs work of Bacchylides there is not the faintest semblance of hostile did not leave much leisure for study, and who rejoiced in a poet allusion to any rival. Nay, one might almost imagine a compli- with whom they could live on such easy terms. ment to Pindar, when, in mentioning Hesiod, he calls him BOWTÓS Another prominent trait in the style of Bacchylides is his love ανήρ.

of picturesque detail. This characteristic marks the fragment by Plutarch (de Exilio, p. 605 c) names Bacchylides in a list of which, before the discovery of the 1896 MS., he was best known writers, who after they had been banished from their native --a passage, from one of his paeans, on the blessings of peace cities, were active and successful in literature. It was Pelopon- (fr. 13, Bergk, 3, Jebb); and it frequently appears in the Odes, nesus that afforded a new home to the exiled poet. The passage especially in the mythical narratives. Greater poets can make gives no clue to date or circumstance; but it implies that an image flash upon the mind, as Pindar sometimes does, by Peloponnesus was the region where the poet's genius ripened a magic phrase, or by throwing one or two salient points into and where he did the work which established his fame. This strong relief. The method of Bacchylides is usually quieter; points to a residence of considerable length; and it may be noted he paints cabinet pictures. Observation and elegance do more that some of the poems illustrate their author's intimate know- for him than grasp or piercing insight; but his work is often of ledge of Peloponnesus. Thus in Ode viii., for Automedes of Phlius, very high excellence in its own kind. His treatment of simile he draws on the legends connected with the Phliasian river is only a special phase of this general tendency. It is exemplified Asopus. In Ode x., starting from the Argive legend of Proctus by the touches with which he elaborates the simile of the eagle and Acrisius, he tells how the Arcadian cult of Artemis 'II uipa was in Ode v., and that of the storm-tossed mariners in Ode xii. founded. In one of his dithyrambs (xix.) he treated the legend This full development of simile is Homeric in manner, but not of Idas (a Messenian hero) and Marpessa in the form of a Homeric in motive: Homer's aim is vividness; Bacchylides hymenaeus sung by maidens of Sparta.

is rather intent on the decorative value of the details themselves. The Alexandrian scholars, who drew up select lists of the There are occasional flashes of brilliancy in his imagery, when it best writers in each kind, included Bacchylides in their “canon” is lit up by his keen sense of beauty or splendour in external of the nine lyric poets, along with Alcman, Sappho, Alcaeus, nature. A radiance," as of fire," streams from the forms of the Stesichorus, Ibycus, Anacreon, Simonides and Pindar. The Nereids (xvi. 103 ff.). An athlete shines out among his fellows Alexandrian grammarian Didymus (circ. 30 B.C.) wrote a com- like" the bright moon of the mid-month night " among the stars mentary on the epinikian odes of Bacchylides. Horace, a poet (viii. 27 ff.). The sudden gleam of hope which comes to the in some respects of kindred genius, was a student of his works, Trojans by the withdrawal of Achilles is like a ray of sunshine and imitated him (according to Porphyrion) in Odes, i. 15, where" from beneath the edge of a storm-cloud” (xii. 105 ff.). The Nereus predicts the destruction of Troy. Quotations from shades of the departed, as seen by Heracles on the banks of the Bacchylides, or references to him, occur in Dionysius of Hali- Cocytus, are compared to the countless leaves Auttering in the carnassus, Strabo, Plutarch, Stobaeus, Athenaeus, Aulus Gellius, wind on " the gleaming headlands of lda" (v. 65 ff.)--an image Zenobius, Hephaestion, Clement of Alexandria, and various not unworthy of Dante or of Milton. grammarians or scholiasts. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxv. 4) says Among the minor features of this poet's style the most that the emperor Julian enjoyed reading Bacchylides. It is clear, remarkable is his use of epithets. A god or goddess nearly then, that this poet continued to be popular during at least the always receives some ornamental epithet; sometimes, indeed, first four centuries of our era. No inference adverse to his repute two or even three (e.g. KaAUKOOTEDÁVov oeuvâs ... 'Apteuidos can fairly be drawn from the fact that no mention of him occurs Aevrw levou, v. 98 f.). Such a trait is in unison with the epic in the extant work of any Attic writer. The only definite esti- manner, the straightforward narrative, which we find in some mate of him by an ancient critic occurs in the treatise lepl Tvous of the larger poems (as in V., X., and xvi.). On the other hand, commonly translated “On the Sublime," but meaning rather, the copious use of such ornament has the disadvantage that it

. For other explanations suggested, see Jebb's edition, Introd. sometimes gives a tinge of conventionality to his work. This p. 18.

impression is somewhat strengthened by the fact that many

of the epitnets are long compound words, not found elsewhere | with all his fortunes: then its scope became still larger; it might and (in some cases at least) probably invented by the poet; words which suggest a deliberate effort to vary the stock repertory.

The poems contained in the MS. of Bacchylides found (see below) in 1896 are of two classes: I. Odes of Victory; II. Dithyrambs. The Ode of Victory, miviniov (μéλos) or ἐπίνικος (ύμνος), is a form derived from the ὕμνος, which was properly a song in praise of a deity. Stesichorus (c. 610 B.C.) seems to have been the first who composed hymns in honour, not of gods, but of heroes; the next step was to write hymns in celebration of victories by living men. This custom arose in the second half of the 6th century B.C., the age in which the games at the four great Greek festivals reached the fulness of their popularity. Simonides (b. c. 556 B.C.) was the earliest recorded writer of epinikia. His odes of this class are now represented only by a few very small fragments, some twenty lines in all. Two of these fragments, belonging to the description of a chariot-race, warrant the belief that Simonides, in his epinikia, differed from Pindar in dwelling more on the incidents of the particular victory. The same characteristic is found in the epinikia of Bacchylides. His fifth ode, and Pindar's first Olympian, alike celebrate the victory of the horse Pherenicus; but, while Pindar's reference to the race itself is slight and general (vv. 20-22), Bacchylides describes the running of the winner much more vividly and fully (vv. 37-49).

The MS. contains fourteen epinikia, or thirteen if Blass be right in supposing that Odes vi, and vii., as numbered by Kenyon in the editio princeps, are parts of a single ode (for Lachon of Ceos). Four for on the view just stated, three) of the odes relate to the Olympian festival; two to the Pythian; three to the Isthmian; three to the Nemean; and one to a Thessalian festival called the Пlerpaia. This comes last. The order in which the MS. arranges the other epinikia seems to be casual; at least it does not follow (1) the alphabetical sequence of the victors' names, or of the names of their cities; nor (2) chronological sequence; nor (3) classification by contests; nor (4) classification by festivals except that the four great festivals precede the Petraca. The first ode, celebrating a victory of the Cean Argeios at the Isthmus, may possibly have been placed there for a biographical reason, viz., because the poet treated in it the early legends of his native island.

A mythical narrative, connected in some way with the victor or his city, usually occupies the central part of the Pindaric ode. It serves to lift the poem into an ideal region, and to invest it with more than a local or temporary significance. The method of Bacchylides in this department of the epinikion is best illustrated by the myth of Croesus in Ode iii., that of Heracles and Meleager in Ode v., and that of the Proetides in Ode x. Pindar's habit is to select certain moments or scenes of a legend, which he depicts with great force and vividness. Bacchylides, on the other hand, has a gentle flow of simple epic narrative; he relies on the interest of the story as a whole, rather than on his power of presenting situations. Another element, always present in the longer odes of victory, is that which may be called the "gnomic." Here, again, there is a contrast between the two poets. Pindar packs his yvwua, his maxims or moral sentiments, into terse and sometimes obscure epigrams; he utters them in a didactic tone, as of one who can speak with the commanding voice of Delphic wisdom. The moralizing of Bacchylides is rather an utterance of quiet meditation, sometimes recalling the strain of Ionian gnomic elegy.

The epinikia of Bacchylides are followed in the MS. by six compositions which the Alexandrians classed under the general name of bobpaußor, and which we, too, must be content to describe collectively as Dithyrambs. The derivation of -Oúpaußos is uncertain: & may be the root seen in dios (ε. διπόλια), and θύραμβος another form of θρίαμβος, α word by which Cratinus (c. 448 B.C.) denotes some kind of hymn to the wine-god. The "dithyramb," first mentioned by Archilochus (c. 670 B.C.), received a finished and choral form from Arion of Lesbos (c. 600 B.C.). His dithyrambs, produced at Corinth, belonged to the cult of Dionysus, and the members of his chorus (rpayınds xoрós) personated satyrs. Originally concerned with the birth of the god, the dithyramb came to deal

celebrate, not Dionysus alone, but any god or hero. This last development had taken place before the close of the 6th century B.C. Simonides wrote a dithyramb on Memnon and Tithonus; Pindar, on Orion and on Heracles. Hence the Alexandrian scholars used dúpaußcs in a wide sense, as denoting simply a lyric poem occupied with a mythical narrative. Thus Ode xvii. of Bacchylides (relating the voyage of Theseus to Crete), though it was clearly a maiȧv for the Delian Apollo, was classed by the Alexandrians among his dithyrambs "-as appears not only from its place in our MS., but also from the allusion of Servius (on Aen. vi. 21). The six dithyrambs of Bacchylides are arranged in (approximately) alphabetical order: 'Avrηvopidai, 'Нpakλñs, 'Hideo Onσeus, Onoeús, 'Iw, "Idas. The principal feature, best exemplified by the first and third, is necessarily epic narrative,often adorned with touches of picturesque detail, and animated by short speeches in the epic manner.

Several other classes of composition are represented by those fragments of Bacchylides, preserved in ancient literature, which were known before the discovery of the new MS. (1) μvol. Among these we hear of the άжожеμяTIKоi, hymns of pious farewell, speeding some god on his way at the season when he passed from one haunt to another. (2) maiâves, represented by the well-known fragment on the blessings of peace. (3) #poσódia, choral odes sung during processions to temples. (4) TорXýμаτα, lively dance-songs for religious festivals. (5) épwTIKά, represented by five fragments of a class akin to axóλia, drinking-songs. Under this head come some lively and humorous verses on the power of wine, imitated by Horace (Odes, iii. 21. 13-20). It may be conjectured that the facile grace and bright fancy of Bacchylides were seen to especial advantage in light compositions of this kind. (6) The elegiacs of Bacchylides are represented by two Lуpáμμатa ávalпμaтiá, each of four lines, in the Palatine Anthology. The first (Anth. vi. 313) is an inscription for an offering commemorative of a victory gained by a chorus with a poem written by Bacchylides.. The second (Ánth, vi. 53) is an inscription for a shrine dedicated to Zephyrus. Its authenticity has been questioned, but not disproved.

The papyrus containing the odes of Bacchylides was found in Egypt by natives, and reached the British Museum in the autumn of 1896. It was then in about 200 pieces. By the skill and industry of Mr F. G. Kenyon, the editor of the editio princeps (1897), the MS. was reconstructed from these lacerated members. As now arranged, the MS. consists of three sections. (1) The first section contains 22 columns of writing. It breaks off after the 8 opening verses of Ode xii. (2) The second section contains columns 23-29. Of these, section comprises what remains of Odes xiii. and xiv. It breaks off column 23 is represented only by the last letters of two words. This before the end of xiv., which is the last of the epinikia. (3) The third section comprises columns 30-39. It begins with the mutilated opening verses of Ode xv. ('ArToploat, the first of the dithyrambs), of lines in a column varies from 32 to 36, the usual number being 35. and breaks off after verse 11 of the last dithyramb, loas. The number or (though less often) 34.

It is impossible to say how much has been lost between the end of column 29 and the beginning of column 30. Probably, however, Ode xiv., if not the last, was nearly the last of the epinikia. It concerns a festival of a merely local character, the Thessalian Пerpaia, and was therefore placed after the thirteen other epinikia, which are connected with the four great festivals. The same lacuna leaves it doubtful whether any collective title was prefixed to the Subpau Bot. After the last column (39) of the MS., a good deal has probably been lost. Bacchylides seems to have written at least three other poems of this class (on Cassandra, Laocoon and Philoctetes); and these would have come, in alphabetical order, after the last of the extant six (Idas).

The writing of the MS. is a fine uncial. It presents some traits of a distinctly Ptolemaic type, though it lacks some features found in the earlier Ptolemaic MSS. (those of the 3rd or 2nd century B.C.). Among the characteristic forms of letters is the T, with a shallow curve on the top of the upright; a form found in MSS. ascribed to the 1st century B.C., and different from the more fully formed upsilon of the Roman period. Another very significant letter is the E, written as a form which begins to go out after c. 50 B.C., giving place to one in which the middle stroke is connected with the other two. From these and other indications it is probable that the MS. is not later than the middle of the 1st century B.C.

The scribe, though he sometimes corrected his own mistakes, was, on the whole, careless of the sense, as of the metre; he seems to have been a mechanical copyist, excellent in penmanship, but

Biography,

intent only on the letters. The MS. has received corrections or | Heinrich, of Arnstadt, had two sons, Johann Michael and Johann small supplements from at least two different persons. One of Christoph, who are among the greatest of J. S. Bach's foreThe other (A"), was considerably later; he wrote a Roman cursive runners, Johann Christoph being now supposed (although this is which might belong to the end of the 1st century A.D., or to the early still disputed) to be the author of the splendid motet, Ich lasse part of the 2nd. The correctors seem to be generally trustworthy; dich nicht (I wrestle and pray "), formerly ascribed to Sebastian though, like the scribe, they were inattentive to metre, passing over Bach. Another descendant of Veit Bach, Johann Ludwig, was appear to have compared their Ms. with another, or others; but admired more than any other ancestor by Sebastian, who copied they sometimes made a bad use of such aid, intruding a false reading twelve of his church cantatas and sometimes added work of his where their text had the true one.

own to them. Breathings are generally added, especially rough breathings; the

The Bach family never left Thuringia until the sons of Sebastian are added, not to all words, but only, as a rule, to those which went into a more modern world. Through all the misery of the might cause doubt or difficulty to the reader. This was the Alex- peasantry at the period of the Thirty Years' War this clan andrian practice, accents being regarded as aids to correct reading, maintained its position and produced musicians who, however and more liberally used when the dialect was not Attic. In accord local their fame, were among the greatest in Europe. So syllable of a word; when the accent falls there, a grave accent is numerous and so eminent were they that in Erfurt musicians written on the preceding syllable, or on two such syllables (e.g. were known as “Bachs,” even when there were no longer any βλήχρας, πάνθάλης).

members of the family in the town. Sebastian Bach thus As Kenyon observes, no MS. of cqual antiquity is so well supplied inherited the artistic tradition of a united family whose circumthe Aleman fragment in the Louvre, which is of similar or slightly stances had deprived them of the distractions of the century of higher age, belonging perhaps to the early part of the 1st century musical fermentation which in the rest of Europe had destroyed A.D.; and in that MS. the comparatively frequent accents were polyphonic music. doubtless designed to aid readers unfamiliar with Alcman's Laconian Johann Sebastian Bach was baptized at Eisenach on the 23rd Doric. With regard to other grammatical or metrical signs (poowðlar) used in the Bacchylides Ms., there is not much that calls for special of March 1685. His parents died in his tenth year, and his elder remark. The punctuation, whether by the scribe or by correctors, brother, Johann Christoph, organist at Ohrdruf, took is very sparse, and certainly cannot always be regarded as authori-charge of him and taught him music. The elder brother tative. The signs denoting the end of a strophe or antistrophe is said to have been jealous of Sebastian's talent, and to (paragraphus),

of an epode (coronis), or of an ode (asterisk), are often have forbidden him access to a manuscript volume of works by omitted by the scribe, and, when employed, are sometimes placed Froberger, Buxtehude and other great organists. Every night

EDITIONS.-F. G. Kenyon, Ed. princeps (1897); F. Blass, 3rd ed. for six months Sebastian got up, put his hand through the lattice (1904): H. Jurenka (1898): N. Festa, text, translation and notes of the bookcase, and copied the volume out by moonlight, to the introduction, notes, translation, and bibliography: text only permanent ruin of his eyesight (as is shown by all the extant (1906). See also T. Zanghieri, Studi su Bacchilide, Bibliografía portraits of him at a later age and by the blindness of his last Bacchilidea, 1897-1905 (1905)).

(R. C. J.) years). When he had finished, his brother discovered the copy BACCIO D'AGNOLO (c. 1460–1543), Florentine wood-carver, and took it away from him. In 1700 Sebastian, now fifteen and sculptor and architect, had the family name of Baglioni, but was thrown on his own resources by the death of his brother, went to always known by the abbreviation of Bartolommeo into Baccio Lüneburg, where his beautiful soprano voice obtained him an and the use of d'Agnolo as meaning the son of Angelo, his father's appointment at the school of St Michael as chorister. He seems, name. He started as a wood-carver, and between 1491 and 1502 however, to have worked more at instrumental than at vocal did much of the decorative carving in the church of Santa Maria music. Apart from the choristers' routine, his position provided Novella and the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. Having made his only for his general education, and we know little about his reputation as a sculptor he appears to have turned his attention definite musical instfuctors. In any case he owed his musical to architecture, and to have studied at Rome, though at what development mainly to his own incessant study of classical and precise date is uncertain; but quite at the beginning of the 16th contemporary composers, such as Frescobaldi (c. 1587), Caspar century he was engaged with Simon Pollajuolo in restoring the Kerl (1628-1693), Buxtehude, Froberger, Muffat the elder

, Palazzo Vecchio, and in 1506 he was commissioned to complete Pachelbel and probably Johann Joseph Fux (1660-1741), the the drum of the cupola of the metropolitan church of Santa author of the Gradus ad Parnassum on which all later classical Maria del Fiore. The latter work, however, was interrupted on composers were trained. A prettier and no less authentic story account of adverse criticisms from Michelangelo, and it remained than that of his brother's forbidden organ-volume tells how, on unexecuted. Baccio d'Agnolo also planned the Villa Borghese his return from one of the many holiday expeditions which Bach and the Bartolini palace, with other fine palaces and villas. The made to Hamburg on foot to hear the great Dutch organist Bartolini palace was the first house to be given frontispieces Reinken, he sat outside an inn longing for the dinner he could not of columns to the door and windows, previously confined to afford, when two herring-heads were flung out of the window, and churches; and he was ridiculed by the Florentines for his he found in each of them a ducat with which he promptly paid innovation. Another much-admired work by him was the his way, not home, but back to Hamburg. At Hamburg, also, campanile of the church of Santo Spirito. His studio was the Keiser was laying the foundations of German opera on a splendid resort of the most celebrated artists of the day, Michelangelo, scale which must have fired Bach's imagination though it never Sansovino, the brothers Sangallo and the young Raphael. He directly influenced his style. On the other hand Keiser's church died in 1543, leaving three sons, all architects, the best-known music was of immense importance in his development. In Celle being Giuliano.

the famous Hofkapelle brought the influence of French music to BACH, JOHANN SEBASTIAN (1685-1750), German musical bear upon Bach's art, an influence which inspired nearly all his composer. The Bach family was of importance in the history of works in suite-form and to which his many autograph copies of music for nearly two hundred years. Four branches of it were Couperin's music bear testimony. Indeed, there is no branch known at the beginning of the 16th century, and in 1561 we of music, from Palestrina onwards, conceivably accessible in hear of Hans Bach of Wechmar who is believed to be the father Bach's time, of which we do not find specimens carefully copied of Veit Bach (born about 1555). The family genealogy, drawn in his own handwriting. On the other hand, when Bach, at the

up by J. Sebastian Bach himself and completed by his age of nineteen, became organist at Arnstadt, he found Lübeck

son Philipp Emanuel,describes Veit Bach as the founder within easy distance, and there, in October 1705, he went to hear of the family, a baker and a miller, "whose zither must have Buxtehude, whose organ works show so close an affinity to Bach's sounded very pretty among the clattering of the mill-wheels." style that only their lack of coherence as wholes reveals to the His son, Hans Bach,“ der Spielmann," is the first professional attentive listener that with all their nobility they are not by musician of the family. Of Hans's large family the second son, Bach himself. Bach's enthusiasm for Buxtehude caused him Christoph, was the grandfather of Sebastian Bach. Another son, I to outstay his leave by three months, and this, together with his

Family.

habit of astonishing the congregation by the way he harmonized | his death in 1750, he must have had quite as much experience as the chorales got him into trouble. But he was already too great can have been good for him. He was often ruffled by the town an ornament to be lightly dismissed; and though his answers to councillors of Leipzig, who (like his earlier employers at Arnstadt) the complaints of the authorities (every word of which makes were shocked by the "unecclesiastical style" of his composiamusing reading in the archives of the church) were spirited tions and by his independent bearing. But he had more serious rather than satisfactory, and the consistorium had to add to their troubles. Of his seven children by his first wife only three complaints the grave scandal of his allowing a "strange maiden" survived him. By his second wife he had thirteen children, of to sing in the church,' Bach was able to maintain his position at whom he lost four of the six sons. For the head of so large a Arnstadt until he obtained the organistship of St Blasius in family his post was dignified rather than lucrative, and few Mühlhausen in 1707. Here he married his cousin, casily identified documents tell a prouder tale of uncomplaining thrift than the with the "strange maiden " of Arnstadt; and here he wrote his inventory of his possessions made after his death. One can only first great church cantatas, Aus der Tiefe, Goll ist mein König be thankful that he did not live to see anything but the wonderand Goltes Zeil. ful promise of his son Friedermann, who, in the words of the brilliantly successful K. Philipp Emanuel Bach, was more nearly capable of replacing his father than all the rest of the family together. The prospect of complete loss of the tradition of his own polyphonic art he faced with equanimity, saying of the new style, which in the hands of his own son, Philipp Emanuel, was soon to eclipse it for the next hundred years, "The art has advanced to great heights: the old style of music no longer pleases our modern ears." But it would have broken his heart if he had forseen that Friedermann Bach was to attain a disreputable old age after a dissolute and unproductive life.

Bach's mastery of the keyboard attracted universal attention, and prevented his ever being unemployed. In 1708 he went to Weimar where his successes were crowned by his appointment, in 1714, at the age of twenty-nine, as Hofkonzertmeister to the duke of Weimar. Here the composition of sacred music was one of his most congenial duties, and the great cantata, Ich hatte viel Bekümmerniss, was probably the first work of his new office. In 1717 Bach visited Dresden in the course of a concert tour, and was induced to challenge the arrogant French organist, J. Louis Marchand, who was making himself thoroughly disliked by the German musicians who could not deny his powers. Bach was first given an opportunity of listening secretly to Marchand's playing, then a competition on the organ was proposed, and a day was fixed for the tournament at which all the court and all the musical celebrities of the town were to be present, to see nothing less than the issue between French and German music. Marchand took up the challenge contemptuously; but it would appear that he also was allowed to listen secretly to Bach's playing, for on the day of the tournament the only news of him was that he had left Dresden by the earliest coach.

This triumph was followed by Bach's appointment as Kapellmeister to the duke of Cöthen, a post which he held from 1717 to 1723. The Cöthen period is that of Bach's central instrumental works, such as the first book of the Wohltemperirtes Klavier, the solo violin and violoncello sonatas, the Brandenburg concertos, and the French and English suites.

In 1723, finding his position at Cöthen uninspiring for choral music, he removed to Leipzig, where he became cantor of the Thomasschule, being still able to retain his post as visiting Kapellmeister at Cöthen, besides a similar position at Weissenfels. His wife had died in 1720, leaving seven children, of whom Friedermann and Philipp Emanuel had a great future before them. (For his sons see BACH, K. P. E., below.) In December 1721 Bach married again, and for the beautiful soprano voice of his second wife he wrote many of his most inspired arias. She was a great help to him with all his work, and her musical handwriting soon became so like his own that her copies are difficult to distinguish from his autographs. In 1729 Bach heard that Handel was for a second time visiting Halle on his way back to London from Italy. A former attempt of Bach's to meet Handel had failed, and now he was too ill to travel, so he sent his son to Halle to invite Handel to Leipzig; but the errand was not successful, and much to Bach's disappointment he never met his only compeer. Bach so admired Handel that he made a manuscript copy of his Passion nach Brockes. This work, though almost unknown in England then as now, was, next to the oratorios of Keiser, incomparably the finest Passion then accessible, as Graun's beautiful masterpiece, Der Tod Jesu, was not composed until four years after Bach's death. The disgusting poem of Brockes (which was set by every German composer of the time) was transformed by Bach with real literary skill as the groundwork of the nonscriptural numbers in his Passion according to St John.

All Bach's most colossal achievements, such as the Passion according to St Matthew and the B Minor Mass (for discussion of which see ORATORIO and MASS), date from his cantorship at Leipzig. But, important and congenial as was his position there, and smooth as the course of his life seems to have been until Spitta points out that this cannot mean singing in the choir at a service, but making music in church privately.

The brilliant successes of Philipp Emanuel led to his appointment as court-composer to the king of Prussia and hence, in 1747, to Sebastian's being summoned to visit Frederick the Great at Potsdam, an incident which Bach always regarded as the culmination of his career, much as Dr Johnson regarded his interview with George III. Bach had to play on the numerous newly invented pianofortes of Silbermann which the king had bought, and also to try the organs of the churches of Potsdam. Frederick, whose musical reputation rested on a genuine if narrow basis, gave him a splendid theme on which to extemporize; and on that theme Bach afterwards wrote Das musikalische Opfer. Two years after this event his sight began to fail, and before long he shared the fate of Handel in becoming perfectly blind.*

Bach died of apoplexy on the 28th of July 1750. His loss was deplored as that of one of the greatest organists and clavier players of his time. Of his compositions comparatively little was known. At his death his MS. works were divided amongst his sons, and many of them have been lost; only a small fraction of his greater works was recovered when, after the lapse of nearly a century, the verdict of his neglectful posterity was reversed by the modern upholders of polyphonic art. Even now some important works are still apparently irrecoverable.

Work and

The rediscovery of Bach is closely connected with the name of Mendelssohn, who was amongst the first to proclaim by word and deed the powers of a genius too gigantic to be grasped by three generations. By the enthusiastic influence. endeavours of Mendelssohn, Schumann and others, and in England still earlier by the performances and publications of Wesley and Crotch, the circle of Bach's worshippers rapidly increased. In 1850, a century after his death, a society was started for the correct publication of all Bach's remaining works. Robert Franz, the great song-writer, did good service in arranging some of Bach's finest works for modern performance, until the experience of a purer scholarship could prove not only the possibility but the incomparably greater beauty of a strict adherence to Bach's own scoring. The Porson of Bach-scholarship, however, is Wilhelm Rust (grandson of the interesting composer of that name who wrote polyphonic suites and fantasias early in the 19th century). During the fourteen years of his editorship of the Bach-Gesellschaft he displayed a steadily increasing insight into Bach's style which has never since been rivalled. In more than one case he has restored harmonies of priceless value from incomplete texts, by means of research and reasoning which he sums up in a modest footnote that reads as something self-evident. His prefaces to the Bach-Gesellschaft volumes are perhaps the most valuable contributions to the criticism of 18th-century music ever written, Spitta's great biography not excepted.

The same surgeon operated unsuccessfully on both composers.

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