HISTORY]

of war, a general directory of accounts, and a chancery of the | free from government interference; but, curiously enough, household, court and state. The heads of all these departments the movements, in Bohemia, Croatia and elsewhere, for the had the rank of secretaries of state and met in council under revival of the national literatures and languages-which were the royal presidency. In course of time, however, this body to issue in the most difficult problem facing the Austrian governbecame too unwieldy for an effective cabinet, and Maria Theresa ment at the opening of the 20th century-were encouraged in established the council of state. During the early years of the exalted circles, as tending to divert attention from political reign of Francis, the emperor kept himself in touch with the to purely scientific interests. Meanwhile the old system of various departments by means of a cabinet minister; but he provincial diets and estates was continued or revived (in 1816 in had a passion for detail, and after 1805 he himself undertook Tirol and Vorarlberg, 1817 in Galicia, 1818 in Carniola, 1828 in the function of keeping the administration together. At the the circle of Salzburg), but they were in no sense representative, same time he had no personal contact with ministers, who might clergy and nobles alone being eligible, with a few delegates from communicate with him only in writing, and for months together the towns, and they had practically no functions beyond registernever met for the discussion of business. The council of state ing the imperial decrees, relative to recruiting or taxation, and was, moreover, itself soon enlarged and subdivided; and in dealing with matters of local police. Even the ancient right of course of time the emperor alone represented any synthesis of petition was seldom exercised, and then only to meet with the the various departments of the administration. The jurisdiction imperial disfavour. And this stagnation of the administration of the heads of departments, moreover, was strictly defined, was accompanied, as might have been expected, by economic and all that lay outside this was reserved for the imperial decision. stagnation. Agriculture languished, hampered, as in France Whatever was covered by established precedent could be settled before the Revolution, by the feudal privileges of a noble caste by the department at once; but matters falling outside such which no longer gave any equivalent service to the state; trade precedent, however insignificant, had to be referred to the was strangled by the system of high tariffs at the frontier and throne. A system so inelastic, and so deadening to all initiative, internal octrois; and finally public credit was shaken to its could have but one result. Gradually the officials, high and low, foundations by lavish issues of paper money and the neglect to subjected to an elaborate system of checks, refused to take publish the budget. any responsibility whatever; and the minutest administrative questions were handed up, through all the stages of the bureaucratic hierarchy, to be shelved and forgotten in the imperial cabinet. For Francis could not possibly himself deal with all the questions of detail arising in his vast empire, even had he desired to do so. In fact, his attitude towards all troublesome problems was summed up in his favourite phrase, “Let us sleep upon it": questions unanswered would answer themselves. The result was the gradual atrophy of the whole administrative not consciously machine. The Austrian government was tyrannical, even in Italy; and Francis himself, though determined to be absolute, intended also to be paternal. Nor would the cruelties inflicted on the bolder spirits who dared to preach reform, which made the Austrian government a by-word among the nations, alone have excited the passionate spirit of revolt which carried all before it in 1848. The cause of this is to be sought rather in the daily friction of a system which had ceased to be efficient and only succeeded in irritating the public opinion it was powerless to curb.

Metternich himself was fully conscious of the evil. He recognized that the fault of the government lay in the fact that it did not govern, and he deplored that his own function, in a decadent age, was but "to prop up mouldering institutions." He was not constitutionally averse from change; and he was too clear-sighted not to see that, sooner or later, change was inevitable. But his interest was in the fascinating game of diplomacy; he was ambitious of playing the leading part on the great stage of international politics; and he was too consummate a courtier to risk the loss of the imperial favour by any insistence on unpalatable reforms, which, after all, would perhaps only reveal the necessity for the complete revolution which he feared. The alternative was to use the whole force of the government to keep things as they were. The disintegrating force of the ever-simmering racial rivalries could be kept in check by the army; Hungarian regiments garrisoned Italy, Italian regiments guarded Galicia, Poles occupied Austria, and Austrians Hungary. The peril from the infiltration of "revolutionary" ideas from without was met by the erection round the Austrian dominions of a Chinese wall of tariffs and censors, which had, however, no more success than is usual with such expedients. The peril from the independent growth of Liberalism within was guarded against by a rigid supervision of the press and the re-establishment of clerical control over education. Music alone flourished, Thus, while the number of recruits, though varying from year to year, could be settled by the war department, the question of the claim of a single conscript for exemption, on grounds not recognized by precedent, could only be settled by imperial decree.

Forbidden books were the only ones read, and forbidden newspapers the only ones believed.

Metter

stability.

nich's

policy of

The maintenance within the empire of a system so artificial and so unsound, involved in foreign affairs the policy of preventing the success of any movements by which it might be threatened. The triumph of Liberal principles or of national aspirations in Germany, or elsewhere in Europe, might easily, as the events of 1848 proved, shatter the whole rotten structure of the Habsburg monarchy, which survived only owing to the apathy of the populations it oppressed. This, then, is the explanation of the system of "stability " which Metternich succeeded in imposing for thirty years upon Europc. If he persuaded Frederick William III. that the grant of a popular constitution would be fatal to the Prussian monarchy, this was through no love of Prussia; the Carlsbad Decrees and the Vienna Final Act were designed to keep Germany quiet, lest the sleep of Austria should be disturbed; the lofty claims of the Troppau Protocol were but Greeks to cover an Austrian aggression directed to purely Austrian ends and in the Eastern Question, the moral support given to the 'legitimate" authority of the sultan over the "rebel was dictated solely by the interest of Austria in maintaining the integrity of Turkey. (See EUROPE: History; GERMANY: History; ALEXANDER I. of Russia; METTERNICII, &c.)

Judged by the standard of its own aims Metternich's diplomacy was, on the whole, completely successful. For fifteen years after the congress of Vienna, in spite of frequent alarms, the peace of Europe was not seriously disturbed; and even in 1830, the revolution at Paris found no echo in the great body of the Austrian dominions. The isolated revolts in Italy were easily suppressed; and the insurrection of Poland, though it provoked the lively sympathy of the Magyars and Czechs, led to no actual movement in the Habsburg states. For a moment, indeed, Metternich had meditated taking advantage of the popular feeling to throw the weight of Austria into the scale in favour of the Poles, and thus, by re-establishing a Polish kingdom under Austrian influence, to restore the barrier between the two empires which the partition of Poland had destroyed. But cautious counsels prevailed, and by the victory of the Russian arms the status quo was restored (see POLAND).

Perdi-
Band I.

The years that followed were not wanting in signs of the coming storm. On the 2nd of March 1835 Francis I. died, and was succeeded by his son Ferdinand I. The new emperor was personally amiable, but so enfeebled by epilepsy as to be incapable of ruling; a veiled regency had to be constituted to carry on the government, and the vices of the administration were further accentuated by weakness Under these circumstances and divided counsels at the centre.

18351848.

In Hungary the diet was not summoned at all between 1811 and 1825. nor in Transylvania between 1811 and 1834.

Revolu tloss of 1848.

Galiclag Rising, 1846.

popular discontent made rapid headway. The earliest symptoms prepared when in February 1848 the fall of Louis Philippe of political agitation were in Hungary, where the diet began to lanned into a blaze the smouldering fires of revolution throughout show signs of vigorous life, and the growing Slav separatist Europe. On the 3rd of March, Kossuth, in the diet movements, especially in the south of the kingdom, were rousing at Pressburg, delivered the famous speech which was the old spirit of Magyar ascendancy (see HUNGARY: History). the declaration of war of Hungarian Liberalism against For everywhere the Slav populations were growing restive under the Austrian system. “From the charnel-house of the German-Magyar domination. In Bohemia the Czech literary the Vienna cabinet," he exclaimed, “a pestilential air breathes movement had developed into an organized resistance to the on us, which dulls our nerves and paralyses the flight of our established order, which was attacked under the disguise of a spirit.” Hungary liberated was to become the centre of freedom criticism of the English administration in Ireland. “Repeal" for all the races under the Austrian crown, and the outcome was became the watchword of Bohemian, as of Irish, nationalists to be a new " fraternization of the Austrian peoples.” In the (see BOHEMA). Among the southern Slavs the “Illyrian" enthusiasm of the moment the crucial question of the position movement, voiced from 1836 onward in the Illyrian National to be occupied by the conflicting nationalities in this" fraternal Gazelle of Ljudevit Gaj, was directed in the first instance to a union" was overlooked. Germanism had so far served as the somewhat shadowy Pan-Slav union, which, on the interference basis of the Austrian system, not as a national ideal, but because of the Austrian government in 1844, was-exchanged for the more "it formed a sort of unnational mediating, and common element definite object of a revival of "the Triune Kingdom" (Croatia, among the contradictory and clamorous racial tendencies." Slavonia, Dalmatia) independent of the Hungarian crown (sce But with the growth of the idea of German unity, Germanism CROATIA, &c.). In the German provinces also, in spite of had established a new ideal, of which the centre lay beyond the Metternich's censors and police, the national movements in boundaries of the Austrian monarchy, and which was bound to Germany had gained an entrance, and, as the revolution of 1848 be antagonistic to the aspirations of other races. The new in Vienna was to show, the most advanced revolutionary views doctrine of the fraternization of the Austrian races would were making headway.

inevitably soon come into conflict with the traditional German The most important of all the symptoms of the approaching ascendancy strengthened by the new sentiment of a united cataclysm was, however, the growing anrest among the peasants. Germany. It was on this rock that, both in Austria and in

As had been proved in France in 1789, and was again Germany, the revolution suffered shipwreck.
to be shown in Russia in 1906, the success of any Meanwhile events progressed rapidly. On the rith of March
political revolution depended ultimately upon the a meeting of "young Czechs" at Prague drew up a petition

attitude of the peasant class. In this lies the main embodying nationalist and liberal demands; and on the same significance of the rising in Galicia in 1846. This was in its origin day the diet of Lower Austria petitioned the crown to summon a Polish nationalist movement, hatched in the little independent a meeting of the delegates of the diets to set the Austria'n finances republic of Cracow. As such it had little importance; though, in order. To this last proposal the government, next day, gave owing to the incompetence of the Austrian commander, the its consent. But in the actual temper of the Viennese the Poles gained some initial successes. More fateful was the slightest concession was dangerous. The hall of the diet was attitude of the Orthodox Ruthenian peasantry, who were divided invaded by a mob of students and workmen, Kossuth's speech from their Catholic Polish over-lords by centuries of religious was read and its proposals adopted as the popular programme, and feudal oppression. The Poles had sought, by lavish promises, and the members of the diet were forced to lead a tumultuous to draw them into their ranks, their reply was to rise in support of procession to the Hofburg, to force the assent of the government the Austrian government. In the fight at Gdow (February 26th), to a petition based on the catch-words of the Revolution. The where Benedek laid the foundations of the military reputation authorities, taken by surprise, were forced to temporize and agreed that was to end so tragically at Königgrätz, flail and scythe to lay the petition before the emperor. Meanwhile Fall of wrought more havoc in the rebel ranks than the Austrian mus- round the hall of the diet a riot had broken out; the Metter ketry. Since, in spite of this object-lesson, the Polish nobles soldiers intervencd and blood was shed. The middle nich, still continued their offers, the peasants consulted the local classes now joined the rebels; and the riots had become Austrian authorities as to what course they should take; and a revolution. Threatened by the violence of the mob, the local authorities, unaccustomed to arriving at any decision Metternich, on the evening of the 13th of March, escaped from without consulting Vienna, practically gave them carte blanche the Hofburg and passed into exile in England. to do as they liked. A hideous jacquerie followed for three or The fall of Metternich was the signal for the outburst of the four days; during which cartloads of dead were carried into storm, not in Austria only, but throughout central Europe. Tarnow, where the peasants received a reward for every "rebel" In Hungary, on the 31st of March, the government was forced brought in

to consent to a new constitution which virtually erected Hungary This affair was not only a scandal for which the Austrian into an independent state. On the 8th of April a separate government, through its agents, was responsible; but it placed constitution was promised to Bohemia; and if the petition of the authorities at Vienna in a serious dilemma. For the the Croats for a similar concession was rejected, this was due Ruthenians, elated by their victory, refused to return to work, to the armed mob of Vienna, which was in close alliance with and demanded the abolition of all feudal obligations as the reward Kossuth and the Magyars. The impotence of the Austrian of their loyalty. To refuse this claim would have meant the government in this crisis was due to the necessity of keeping indefinite prolongation of the crisis; to concede it would have the bulk of the Austrian forces in Italy, where the news of been to invite the peasantry of the whole empire to put forth Metternich's fall had also led to a concerted rising against the similar demands on pain of a general rising. On the 13th of Habsburg rule (see ITALY). Upon the fortunes of war in the April 1846 an imperial decree abolished some of the more peninsula depended the ultimate issue of the revolutions so far burdensome feudal obligations; but this concession was greeted as Austria was concerned. with so fierce an outcry, as an authoritative endorsement of the The army and the prestige of the imperial tradition were, in atrocities, that it was again revoked, and Count Franz von Stadion fact, the two sheet-anchors that enabled the Habsburg monarchy was sent to restore order in Galicia. The result was, that the to weather the storm. For the time the latter was the only one peasants saw that though their wrongs were admitted, their sole available; but it proved invaluable, especially in Germany, hope of redress lay in a change of government, and added the in preventing any settlement, until Radetzky's victory of dead weight of their resentment to the forces making for revolu-Novara had set free the army, and thus once more enabled Austria tion. It was the union of the agrarian with the nationalist to back her policy by force. The Austrian government, in no movements that made the downfall of the Austrian system position to refuse, had consented to send delegates from its inevitable.

German provinces to the parliament of united Germany, which The material for the conflagration in Austria was thus all I met at Frankfort on the 18th of May 1848. The question at

March 13, 1848.

HISTORY]

once arose of the place of the Austrian monarchy in united | stitution for Galicia. Even where, as in the case of the Serbs Germany. Were only its German provinces to be included? and Rumans, the government had given no formal sanction Or was it to be incorporated whole? As to the first, the Austrian to the national claims, the emperor was regarded as the ultimate government would not listen to the suggestion of a settlement guarantee of their success; and deputations from the various To say that the government deliberately adopted the Machia. which would have split the monarchy in half and subjected it provinces poured into Innsbruck protesting their loyalty. to a double allegiance. As to the second, German patriots could not stomach the inclusion in Germany of a vast non-German vellian policy of mastering the revolution by setting race against population. The dilemma was from the first so obvious that race would be to pay too high a compliment to its capacity. the parliament would have done well to have recognized at once The policy was forced upon it; and was only pursued consciously that the only possible solution was that arrived at, after the when it became obvious. Count Stadion began it in Galicia, withdrawal of the Austrian delegates, by the exclusion of Austria where, before bombarding insurgent Cracow into submission altogether and the offer of the crown of Germany to Frederick (April 26), he had won over the Ruthenian peasants by the William of Prussia. But the shadow of the Holy Empire, abolition of feudal dues and by forwarding a petition to the immemorially associated with the house of Habsburg, still emperor for the official recognition of their language alongside darkened the counsels of German statesmen. The Austrian Polish. But the great object lesson was furnished by the events archduke John had been appointed regent, pending the election in Prague, where the quarrel between Czechs and Germans, of an emperor; and the political leaders could neither break radicals and conservatives, issued on the 12th of June in a rising loose from the tradition of Austrian hegemony, nor reconcile of the Czech students and populace. The suppression of this themselves with the idea of a mutilated Germany, till it was too rising, and with it of the revolution in Bohemia, on the 16th of late, and Austria was once more in a position to re-establish the June, by Prince Windischgrätz, was not only the first victory of war, in which the idea of constitutional liberty, was sacrificed system devised by her diplomacy at the congress of Vienna. the army, but was the signal for the outbreak of a universal race to the bitter spirit of national rivalry. The parliament at (See GERMANY: History.) Frankfort hailed Windischgrätz as a national hero, and offered to send troops to his aid; the German revolutionists in Vienna welcomed every success of Radetzky's arms in Italy as a victory for Germanism. The natural result was to drive the Slav nationalities to the side of the imperial government, since, whether at Vienna or at Budapest, the radicals were their worst enemies.

This fatal procrastination was perhaps not without excuse, in view of the critical situation of the Austrian monarchy during 1848. For months after the fall of Metternich Austria was practically without a central government. Vienna itself, where on the 14th of March the establishment of a National Guard was authorized by the emperor, was ruled by a committee of students and citizens, who arrogated to themselves a voice in imperial affairs, and imposed their will on the distracted ministry. On the 15th of March the government proposed to summon a central committee of local diets; but this was far from satisfying public opinion, and on the 25th of April a constitution was proclaimed, including the whole monarchy with the exception of Hungary and Lombardo-Venetia. This was, however, met by vigorous protests from Czechs and Poles, while its provisions for a partly nominated senate, and the indirect election of deputies, excited the wrath of radical Vienna. Committees of students and national guards were formed; on the 13th of May a Central Committee was established; and on the 15th a fresh insurrection broke out, as a result of which the government once more yielded, recognizing the Central Committee, admitting the right of the National Guard to take an active part in politics, and promising the convocation of a National Convention on the basis of a single chamber elected by universal suffrage. On the 17th the emperor left Vienna for Innsbruck "for the benefit of his health," and thence, on the 20th, issued a proclamation in which he cast himself on the loyalty of his faithful provinces, and, while confirming the concessions of March, ignored those of the 15th of May. The flight of the emperor had led to a revulsion of feeling in Vienna; but the issue of the proclamation and the attempt of the government to disperse the students by closing the university, led to a fresh outbreak on the 26th. Once more the ministry conceded all the demands of the insurgents, and even went so far as to hand over the public treasury and the responsibility of keeping order to a newly constituted Committee of Public Safety.

National Movements

The tide was now, however, on the turn. The Jacobinism of the Vienna democracy was not really representative of any widespread opinion even in the German parts of Austria, while its loud-voiced Germanism excited the lively opposition of the other races. Each of these had taken advantage of the March troubles to press its claims, and everywhere the government had shown the same yielding spirit. In Bohemia, where the attempt to bold elections for the Frankfort parliament had broken down on the opposition of the Czechs and the conservative German aristocracy, a separate constitution had been proclaimed on the 8th of April; on March the 33rd the election by the diet of Agram of Baron Joseph Jellachich as ban of Croatia was confirmed, as a concession to the agitation among the southern Slavs; on the 18th of March Count Stadion had proclaimed a new con

The 16th of June had been fatal to the idea of an independent Bohemia, fatal also to Pan-Slav dreams. To the Czechs the most immediate perib now seemed that from the German parliament, and in the interests of their nationality they were willing to join the Austrian government in the struggle against German Writs were issued in Bohemia for the election to the liberalism. The Bohemian diet, summoned for the 19th, never met. Austrian Reichsrath; and when, on the 10th of July, this assembled, the Slav deputies were found to be in a majority. This fact, which was to lead to violent trouble later, was at first subordinate to other issues, of which the most important was the question of the emancipation of the peasants. After long debates the law abolishing feudal services-the sole permanent outcome of the revolution-was carried on the 31st of August, and on the 7th of September received the imperial consent. The peasants thus received all that they desired, and their vast weight was henceforth thrown into the scale of the government against the revolution.

ism."

Meanwhile the alliance between the Slav nationalities and the conservative elements within the empire had found a powerful "Illyr representative in Jellachich, the ban of Croatia. At Jellachich first, indeed, his activity had been looked at askance and at Innsbruck, as but another force making for dis. integration. He had apparently identified himself with the "Illyrian " party, had broken off all communications edict issued in response to the urgency of Batthyáni, had with the Hungarian government, and, in spite of an imperial summoned a diet to Agram, which on the 9th of June decreed the separation of the "Triune Kingdom" from Hungary. The imperial government, which still hoped for Magyar aid against the Viennese revolutionists, repudiated the action of the ban, accused him of disobedience and treason, and deprived him of his military rank. But his true motives were soon apparent, his object was to play off the nationalism of the "Illyrians against the radicalism of Magyars and Germans, and thus to preserve his province for the monarchy; and the Hungarian radicals played into his hands. The fate of the Habsburg empire depended upon the issue of the campaign in Italy, which would have been lost by the withdrawal of the Magyar and Croatian regiments; and the Hungarian government chose this critical moment to tamper with the relations of the army to the monarchy. In May a National Guard had been established;

"

Hungary.

1848

and the soldiers of the line were invited to join this, with the his intention of marching against rebellious Vienna, and on the promise of higher pay; on the ist of June the garrison of Pest 16th an imperial rescript appointed him a field-marshal and took the oath to the Constitution. On the oth Jellachich issued commander-in-chief of all the Austrian armies except that of a proclamation to the Croatian regiments in Italy, bidding them Italy. Mcanwhile, of the Reichsrath, the members of the Right remain and fight for the emperor and the common Fatherland. and the Slav majority had left Vienna and announced a meeting His loyalty to the tradition of the imperial army was thus of the diet at Brünn for the 20th of October; all that remained announced, and the alliance was cemented between the army in the capital was a rump of German radicals

, impotent in the and the southern Slavs.

hands of the proletariat and the students. The defence of the Jellachich, who had gone to Innsbruck to lay the Slav view city was hastily organized under Bem; an ex-officer of Napoleon; before the emperor, was allowed to return to Agram, though not but in the absence of help from Hungary it was futile. On the as yet formally reinstated. Here the diet passed a resolution 28th of October Windischgrätz began his attack; on the ist denouncing the dual system and demanding the restoration of of November he was master of the city. the union of the empire. Thus was proclaimed the identity of The fall of revolutionary Vienna practically involved that of the Slav and the conservative points of view; the radical the revolution in Frankfort and in Pest. From Italy the con"INyrian " assembly had done its work, and on the 9th of July gratulations of Radetzky's victorious army came to WindischJellachich, while declaring it "permanent," prorogued it grätz, from Russia the even more significant commendations indefinitely " with a paternal greeting," on the ground that the of the emperor Nicholas. The moral of the victory was painted safety of the Fatherland depended now “more upon physical for all the world by the military execution of Robert Blum, than upon moral force." The diet thus prorogued never met whose person, as a deputy of the German parliament, should again. Absolute master of the forces of the banat, Jellachich have been sacrosanct. The time had, indeed, not yet come to now waited until the intractable politicians of Pest should give attempt any conspicuous breach with the constitutional principle; him the occasion and the excuse for setting the imperial army but the new ministry was such as the imperial sentiment would in motion against them.

approve, inimical to the German ideals of Frankfort, devoted The occasion was not to be long postponed. Every day the to the traditions of the Habsburg monarchy. At its head was rift between the dominant radical element in the Hungarian Prince Felix Schwarzenberg (9.0.), the "army-diplomat," a

parliament and imperial court was widened. Kossuth statesman at once strong and unscrupulous. On the 27th of

and his followers were evidently aiming at the complete November a proclamation announced that the continuation of separation of Hungary from Austria; they were in sympathy, Austria as a united state was necessary both for Germany and if not in alliance, with the German radicals in Vienna and for Europe. On the end of December the emperor Ferdinand, Frankfort; they were less than half-hearted in their support bound by too many personal obligations to the revolutionary of the imperial arms in Italy. The imperial government, pressed parties to serve as a useful instrument for the new Accession by the Magyar nationalists to renounce Jellachich and all his policy, abdicated, and his nephew Francis Joseph of Francis works, equivocated and procrastinated, while within its councils ascended the throne. The proclamation of the new Joseph, the idea of a centralized state, to replace the loose federalism emperor was a gage of defiance thrown down to Magyars of the old empire, slowly took shape under the pressure of the and German unionists alike: “Firmly determined to preserve military party. It was encouraged by the news from Italy, undimmed the lustre of our crown," it ran, “but prepared to where, on the 25th of July, Radetzky had won the battle of share our rights with the representatives of our peoples, we trust Custozza, and on the 6th of August the Austrian standard once that with God's aid and in common with our peoples we shall more floated over the towers of Milan. At Custozza Magyar succeed in uniting all the courtries and races of the monarchy hussars, Croats from the Military Frontier, and Tirolese sharp- in one great body politic." shooters had fought side by side. The possibility was obvious of While the Reichsrath, transferred to Kremsier, was discussing combating the radical and nationalist revolution by means of "fundamental rights" and the difficult question of how to the army, with its spirit of comradeship in arms and its imperialist reconcile the theoretical unity with the actual dualism of the

cmpire, the knot was being cut by the sword on the plains of So early as the beginning of July, Austrian officers, with the Hungary. The Hungarian retreat after the bloody battle of permission of the minister of war, had joined the Serb insurgents Kapolna (February 26–27, 1849) was followed by the dissolution who, under Stratemirović, were defying the Magyar power in the of the Kremsier assembly, and a proclamation in which the banat. By the end of August the breach between the Austrian emperor announced his intention of granting a constitution to and Hungarian governments was open and complete; on the the whole monarchy "one and indivisible." On the 4th of 4th of September Jellachich was reinstated in all his honours, and March the constitution was published; but it proved all but as on the 11th he crossed the Drave to the invasion of Hungary, distasteful to Czechs and Croats as to the Magyars, and the The die was thus cast; and, though efforts continued to be speedy successes of the Hungarian arms made it, for the while, made to arrange matters, the time for moderate counsels was a dead letter. It needed the intervention of the emperor passed. The conservative leaders of the Hungarian nationalists, Nicholas, in the loftiest spirit of the Holy Alliance, before even Eötvös and Deák, retired from public life; and, though Batthyáni an experimental unity of the Habsburg dominions could be consented to remain in office, the slender hope that this gave established (see HUNGARY: History). of peace was ruined by the flight of the palatine (September 24) The capitulation of Világos, which ended the Hungarian and the murder of Count Lamberg, the newly appointed com- insurrection, gave Schwarzenberg a free hand for completing missioner and commander-in-chief in Hungary, by the mob at the work of restoring the status quo anle and the influence of Pest (September 27). The appeal was now to arms; and the Austria in Germany. The account of the process by which this fortunes of the Habsburg monarchy were bound up with the fate was accomplished belongs to the history of Germany (9.0.). of the war in Hungary (see HUNGARY: History).

Here it will suffice to say that the terms of the Convention of Meanwhile, renewed trouble had broken out in Vienna, where Olmütz (November 29, 1850) seemed at the time a complete the radical populace was in conflict alike with the government triumph for Austria over Prussia. As a matter of fact, however, and with the Slav majority of the Reichsrath. The German the convention was, in the words of Count Beust, "not a Prussian democrats appealed for aid to the Hungarian government; but humiliation, but an Austrian weakness.” It was in the power the Magyar passion for constitutional legality led to delay, and of Austria to crush Prussia and to put an end to the dual influence before the Hungarian advance could be made effective, it was 100 in the Confederation which experience had proved to be unwork. late. On the 7th of October the emperor Ferdinand had fled able; she preferred to re-establish a discredited system, and to from Schönbrunn to Olmutz, a Slav district, whence he issued leave to Prussia time and opportunity to gather strength for the a proclamation inviting whoever loved "Austria and freedom" inevitable conflict. to rally round the throne. On the rith Windischgrätz proclaimed In 1851 Austria had apparently triumphed over all its

tradition.