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When Mr. Hayes was inaugurated President in March, 1877, the conditions which confronted him were these.

He held his office with a clouded title. More than half of the white citizens of the United States believed that he had not been Constitutionally elected; less than half the voters had voted for him. He was called to administer the government over a Nation divided not more by the Civil War than by the undemocratic reconstruction policy, the effect of which had been to incite jealousy and suspicion between the sections and hostility between the races. Corruption in local, State, and National governments had brought government into contempt, given to the term politician an odious meaning, destroyed some reputations and besmirched others. During the first two years of his term the Democrats had a majority in the House, during the last two years a majority in both House and Senate. And he had the hesitating and reluctant support of a divided party and the bitter hostility of some of its most influential and prominent leaders. During his stormy Administration he never lost his temper, never answered abuse with abuse, never sacrificed principle to policy, never fought fire with fire, retained the respect of his friends in defeat, and compelled the respect of his enemies in victory.

At the very beginning of his Administration he foreshadowed his break with the "Old Guard" of his day by the personnel of his Cabinet, selected upon the following simple principles, stated in his diary:

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1. A new Cabinet.

2. No Presidential candidate.

3. No appointment to "take care" of anybody.

Seven weeks later he emphasized the break by abandoning military rule in the South. In both Louisiana and South Carolina were two State governments

SAMUEL JONES TILDEN Public servant and philanthropist, Mr. Hayes's opponent in the Presidential election of 1876, "Both Presidential candidates showed equal anxiety to secure a peaceable decision of the issue"

VISITORS IN THE WHITE HOUSE THE BLUE ROOM
About the time of the Hayes Administration

one Republican, the other Democratic.
He withdrew the Federal troops from
both States, and in both States the Re-
publican governments collapsed. The
wrath of the militant Republicans was
unbounded. To them this was a sur-
render to "unrepentant rebels." His
reply to the fierce invectives in the Sen-
ate was confided to his diary, which was
dumb. "My policy," he wrote, "is trust,
peace, and to put aside the bayonet. I
do not think that the wise policy is to
decide contested elections in the State by
the use of the National army."

In his inaugural he declared that a thorough, radical, and complete reform in our civil service was a paramount necessity. He emphasized this conviction by removing two of Senator Conkling's wards from the Custom House in New York. The Senate rejected his nomination of their successors, and Conkling's wards held over. "I am right," said Mr. Hayes to his diary, "and shall not give up the fight." He did not. A year later his nominations were renewed and confirmed. His withdrawal of troops from the South had made Blaine his enemy; his removal of Conkling's appointees made Conkling his enemy. Mr. Conkling had no use for what he called "snivel service reform." The President confided to his silent diary the political principle which compelled his course. "I stand," he wrote, "for the equal and Constitutional independence of the Executive. The independence of the different departments of the Government is essential to the progress and existence of good government."

A plan to increase the money of the country and lower the standard by remonetizing silver he vetoed. Democrats and Republicans, responding to a popular demand reinforced undoubtedly by silver-mine owners and silver-producing States, were able to overrule the Presi

dent's veto. In the tangle of that hour, when financiers were themselves perplexed, Mr. Hayes gave to his diary in a sentence the conclusion to which years after the whole country came: "I cannot consent to a measure which stains our credit."

The Democratic party attached a rider to the Appropriation Bill which would have made it impossible for the President to fulfill the duty laid upon him by the Constitution and preserve order in the States if necessity should arise. The President called an extra session, laid the facts before Congress and the coun

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FACSIMILE OF RUTHERFORD B. HAYES'S LETTER TO LYMAN ABBOTT

try in a Message so short that busy men could read it, so simple that men unskilled in politics could understand it, and so free from combativeness that partisans could not complain of it, and then waited for Congress to hear from the country and retire from its impossible position, as, after a long controversy with the patient President, it did.

Men will face a lion who will flee from a swarm of bees. So men will face a political cabal who will hesitate to challenge social conventions by disregarding a long-established social custom. Mr. and Mrs. Hayes had never served wine on their home table. They resolved to carry their habit of abstinence into their new home in the White House. Their action aroused a thunderstorm of criticism-lightning that did not strike and thunder that did not terrify. The criticism took on every variety from the good-natured bon mot of Mr. Evarts, 'At the President's reception water flowed like champagne,' to the irritating accusation of a disappointed office-seeker that what made the President a total abstainer was his parsimony. The only serious argument advanced against his course was that as host of the Nation he should in his hospitality represent the sentiment of the Nation. It proved a boomerang. For presently the White House was deluged with letters, telegrams, resolutions, thank-offerings of flowers, from every section of the country. Only a very small number of Americans served wine on their tables; the President was conforming the hospitality of the White House to the habits of the American people. His action was the more significant because he had not been a strict total abstainer before his election, and he never was a prohibitionist. As his biographer has given to the world his statement of his views of this subject as they were communicated to his father confessor, the diary, I violate no confidence by giving to my readers his definition of them in the following letter to

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Dear Sir: Your note of the 16th instant is before me. With very decided opinions as to the value of "temperance legislation" I am yet persuaded that their publication would, if any attention was given to them, provoke profitless controversy. Certain experiments must, as I see it, be tried before there will be any general concurrence of sentiment among the sincere friends of the cause. The tendency to division and discord is already so strong that I am averse to doing anything which will add to it. The true agencies for good in this work, as I look at the subject, are example, education, discussion and the influences of religion.

Sincerely R. B. HAYES

I met President Hayes personally twice. Once during his Presidency, in company with Governor and Mrs. Claflin and Mr. and Mrs. Lawson Valentine, I spent an evening at the White House

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as quietly as if we had been in a rural home ten miles from a railway station. The President's "shop" was by common consent excluded. Politics were not discussed. One incident I recall: the Presitook me upstairs to show me his children asleep in the nursery. I had two boys of about their age at home; and for a few moments I forgot the Presidential office in sharing the experience of the father.

The other incident was later. After his retirement from the Presidency he Iwas elected President of the Prison Reform Association. At its annual meeting in Saratoga-I forget the year-I was preacher and took as my text, "If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink," and as my theme the doctrine that the only justice which the state can rightly administer is a merciful justice and the only punishment it can rightly inflict is a reformatory punishment. After the service the President, with a cordiality that was more than official, requested the sermon for publication, and it was printed from the stenographer's notes. He gave expression-I think subsequently to the Saratoga meeting, but I am not sure

From "The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes," by C. R. Williams. (Courtesy Houghton Mifflin Company.) HAYES MEMORIAL BUILDING Erected at Spiegel Grove, Fremont, Ohio, in 1912-14

to the same principle in a characteri tically well-balanced statement:

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The chief aim in the treatment of convicts is to protect society against its avowed enemy, the criminal. The advocates of improved prisons and prison discipline add to this a more specific statement. They would reform all criminals whom they can reform, by wise systems wisely administered. Those who cannot be reclaimed should remain under sentence of conviction where they can support themselves by labor and do no harm to society.

The principles laid down by M Thomas Mott Osborne in "Behind Prisc Bars," and illustrated by his own prisc administration, are all implied in th statement of President Hayes, mać some forty years ago.

President Hayes did not heal th wounds inflicted by war and by a mi conceived policy of reconstruction, bi he set the broken bones, and time i knitting together again the North an the South; he did not solve the rac problem, but he did much to creat that era of good feeling which has er abled the best men in both races t understand each other and to co-oper ate in movements for their mutual we fare; he did not accomplish the purifica tion of government, but he did give new impulse to that movement for politi cal purity carried forward subsequentl; by his successors in office, pre-eminently by Grover Cleveland and Theodor Roosevelt, until "A public office is public trust" has come to be recog nized, at least in theory, as a sounc political principle; he did not succeeć in wholly preventing the endeavor to give us all plenty of money by making it cheap, but he halted that proceeding and gave the sober second thought of the American people time to develop and assert itself; he did not fall into the error of thinking that a people will be made temperate if they are prohibited from drinking, but his example did more than perhaps we know toward cultivating in the Nation a habit of total abstinence from intoxicating liquors which laid the foundation for National prohibition.

During Mr. Hayes's Presidency I, an editor, was studying and interpreting current history. My admiration for Mr. Hayes steadily grew while he was making history. I admired his masterful conscience, his gentle strength, his noncombative courage, his unconquerable patience. I admired him for the men he brought about him as his counselors and for the success he achieved against much odds. And when I planned this series of "Snap-Shots of my Contemporaries" I eagerly embraced the opportunity it gave me to sketch the portrait of a statesman whose character and difficulties the country too little realized then and whose service the country has too little appreciated since. Both are indicated by the title I have ventured to give to him: Rutherford B. HayesPeacemaker.

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BY FREDERICK M. DAVENPORT

PROFESSOR IN LAW AND POLITICS, HAMILTON COLLEGE; REPUBLICAN MEMBER

OF THE NEW YORK STATE SENATE; AND FORMERLY FACTORY NO. 4626

THE MIND BEHIND THE HANDS

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A LOOK INSIDE-OPEN SESAME THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE FOREMAN - THE COCKINESS OF THE FOREIGN-BORN—“MAKING" WORKWHO OWNS THE JOBS?-GETTING ALONG WITHOUT BEER-WORRY AND MONOTONY — THE ELEMENT OF REST IN PRODUCTION

NE year ago I would not have known a lathe or a grinder if I had seen it rolling down Fifth Avenue. For a number of years I have had a teaching job in political science in a college, and my fighting laboratory has been practical politics and occasionally the New York Legislature. I have studied industrial problems from the outside, and taught them at Hamilton and debated them at Albany, and voted for or against industrial measures on roll-call. But the world of men in industry seemed far away.

I have had opportunity in the Senate at Albany to observe how industrial questions are treated. Manufacturing capital has a lobby and labor has a lobby. And they face each other in biased strife. Only a year ago the lobbyists of manufacturing capital got their fingers pinched by the State League of Women Voters. This new and eager organization investigated and explained to the people of the State just how the legislative agents of manufacturing capital were employing pseudo-patriotism and untruthful propaganda on their side of industrial measures. Nobody accused the manufacturers as a body of knowing what was going on. But the ruling inner group gave the lobby a free hand. When the fingers of the lobby were pinched, the State listened with glee to the howls of pain. Such a process of solving vital industrial problems in a time like the present did not appeal to me as dignified or wise, any more than the methods which labor too frequently employs appeal to me as conducive to the happiness and prosperity of the Republic.

The question of industrial relations seemed to me of such critical importance that least of all public issues could it safely be manhandled and horn-swoggled after the fashion often employed. Certainly the two chief public issues in America are our international relations and our industrial relations. There are many, and I count myself among their number, who think of the second issue as more important than the first, because if we cannot get along together inside the country, if we cannot establish a reasonable political and industrial fraternalism and unity at home, of what use are we in the distraught councils of internationalism?

I

Last summer I got a letter from a manufacturer in central New York who employs between five and six thousand workers in automobile production. had never met him. He had evidently been keeping his eye on my interest in industrial questions in the New York State Senate. He wrote:

I have been thinking that I would like to have you join our organization for the summer. I do not know what you could do for us. I do not know what we could do for you. But I have the impression that we might be mutually helpful.

What I think he had in mind was this: Here is a fellow who wants to do the right thing and is in a position to help, but he probably doesn't know any more about the inside of the industries than a cow knows about climbing a telegraph pole. And our lobbyists at Albany are not getting anywhere except into hot water and into disrepute, which we soon will share. Why not give this college professor and legislator a look at the inside? Perhaps we can educate him and maybe he can educate us.

The view-point of this open-minded employer pleased me, and on the first of July I turned up at the plant and became No. 4626 in his organization. I was accorded a most courteous and complete freedom in every direction. I read the confidential reports to the president, I looked into the accounting and finance, I watched every operation in the factory; I interviewed every leader in the organization, big or little, whom I could get hold of, provided he had come up from the ranks; I put on overalls and learned to use a Rockford engine lathe and turned steel and brass down to a thousandth of an inch; I came to appreciate the qualities of accuracy and patience and nerve which every good skilled mechanic must have; I experienced the humiliation that comes over a man who for the first time tries to sharpen his own tool; I rode with the testers as they listened for defects in the motor or the axles and wrote on the yellow sheet the record of faults so slight that they missed my ear entirely.

What interested me most was the great human side of the industry, the life of the five or six thousand workers as they followed all day a single operation at the machine or in the assembly

of parts. I wanted to know about their value to industrial society and to citizenship, what they were thinking, how they viewed the world unrest, what new ideas they contributed to economic progress, how they regarded so-called industrial democracy, whether they liked to have benevolent schemes imposed on them from above or whether they liked to be let alone to manage their own welfare out of a full pay envelope.

THE NAME ROOSEVELT A TALISMAN

I suppose you say that a dilettante industrian of a month's or two months' standing could not find out much. But I got a running start when the word went around that I was one of the fellows who had been in the fighting with old T. R. The greatest crime that political machine leaders ever perpetrated in America from the standpoint of conservative leadership of the workers was the crime that drove Theodore Roosevelt for a critical decade out of reach of an inside influence upon the affairs of his country. The name of Roosevelt is like a talisman in any great body of the plain people in America, and will be for many a long year. What these workers instinctively sensed in Roosevelt was his absolute integrity. And this of course was precisely the quality which his financial and political foes were always unsuccessfully seeking to impugn-another evidence that the plain people were right and that Roosevelt's foes knew it. The average thoughtful, patriotic workingman in America feels closer to Roosevelt and Lincoln than to any other leaders of democracy.

Then, again, I happen to be a member of the Masonic fraternity, among others. And I found that there were about seven hundred Masons in the plant, a goodly number of them in places of leadership and trust. There were five past masters. I found a good deal of small religious prejudice and jealousy between Protestant and Catholic, and it was a relief to come upon one young man whose father was a thirty-second degree Mason and he himself was a Knight of Columbus, following along the mother line. Being a Mason got me swift introduction and hearing all over the plant.

My work at the lathe did no harm. A good many came to talk with me there, naturally and freely; soon every

THE CAPITOL IN ALBANY

"My fighting laboratory has been practical politics and occasionally the New York Legislature. I have studied industrial problems from the outside, and taught them at Hamilton and debated them at Albany, and voted for or against industrial measures on roll-call. But the world of men in industry seemed far away"

body knew, or seemed to know, why I was there and I was able to look over their blue-prints with them and talk with them at their own machines. A time of good-fellowship and comradeIship was the noon-hour, when the deep whistle blew its terrific blast and we all rushed to the long wash-basin together.

One day an acute observer in the plant said to me: "Jealousy is the most terrible thing in the world. As soon as a man begins to show his head above the average he becomes the target of every brick that anybody can throw. Jealousy sets an industrial plant back worse than anything else. I knew a manager here some years ago who because of jealousy forced out of the organization two of the brightest men we ever had. One of them is now getting elsewhere twenty-five thousand a year and the other thirty-five thousand a year. And it is the same in the rank and file. If one man is promoted to be a foreman or gets a raise in wages, a lot of fellows are always ready to say that he got the advancement through a pull or through being servile to some superior."

PETTY TYRANTS

The psychology of the factory foreman is very interesting to me. He is an important link between the management and labor. In days gone by the foreman has frequently shown all the qualities of a petty tyrant, and this more certainly if he rose from the ranks than if he did not. I inquired about the cause, and it seemed to be a universal opinion that few men can stand elevation above their fellows. The sergeant in the army is more of a tyrant than a commissioned officer. A suddenly acquired sense of power seems to be a perilous human possession. Thus the sudden rise from. worker to foreman

es the human morale of a large

number of men. So clearly is this recognized that in the best-managed modern industries the foreman is now put on his mettle to show that he can deal humanly with his men. In case of prolonged controversy between workers and the foreman, the best-managed modern industry gets rid of its foreman and not of the workers, instead of backing the foreman through thick and thin. The tendency generally is in any event to take away from the foreman the last word about hiring and firing, and invest it in a highly competent employment manager.

"You see, it's about this way," said one worker. "We all like those of our kind. The foreman doesn't realize it, but he is swayed by his likes and dislikes. Until he gets a lot of experience he doesn't give a man a square deal whom he doesn't like."

The foreman is closest to the workers and can do much harm in loss of production and in defective human relations. That is why modern industry has to watch him and cut his head off soon if he cannot iron out misunderstandings and meet the requirements of production. Failing in this he is dangerous. A former foreman, now the assistant superintendent in the plant, said: "At first when I became a foreman I was as arrogant as the devil. And I had to get over it."

Some men get over it and some never do. I was interested to find that most of the men who had risen to superintendencies and assistant superintendencies were rich in human sympathy and in modest human nature.

The shop superintendent could have given advice to the President.of the United States on one important matter. He said: "I have grown to understand that the best thing that can happen to me is to pick the strongest men as my

lieutenants. They cannot hurt me. The better they do their work, the better my whole job shows up and the better it is for the business. I learned something once from a notice to heads of departments tacked up on the wall of a railway office in Albany: 'If you haven't got a man qualified to take your place, get one. In case the president of the road should die, all that it will be necessary to hire will be an office boy.'"

The coarse, rough humor and bantering of the American skilled mechanic was new to me. It reminded me of a character in "The Virginian" who, when called an opprobrious name, said: "Smile when you say it, or I'll shoot." It is the tone or the twinkle of the worker that gets his rough humor across safely.

Human weakness makes it necessary to lay much stress on safety appliances and compensation laws. The plant pessimist said to me: "We have to put signs on every damn post until I get tired of looking at 'em. See that fellow over there grinding his tool! He knows he ought to have his goggles on, he knows the rules, but he forgets or he just won't do it or he takes a chance. He'll get a piece of metal into his eye, and the community has to foot the bill. Only about ten per cent of these machines really need a guard, but we have to guard all of 'em because of this damn fool human nature."

In the employment office I got a glimpse of the rising cockiness and aggressiveness of the foreign-born worker as distinguished from the American. He has been suddenly catapulted from Old World conditions into a land of plenty beyond his dreams, and the war wages and recent labor need have given him in many cases a touch of ignorant arrogance. The pinch of hard times may alter this temper. The plant pessimist spoke of the harm done during the war by paying large wages to young boys.

"The chances are," said he, "that we have made damned loafers out of those boys seven times out of ten. It takes experience to know how to live. And it isn't safe that the foreign-born should have so much prosperity in America until they learn to use it."

What brought these people here and herded them in race colonies in congested cities? The mills and factories. They are responsible for the unassimilated, undigested human mass. Would it not be wise to slow down on immigration for a generation and give assimilation a chance to catch up, give the foreign-born whom we have with us a chance to become the kind of people we are and to be genuinely and really a part of us?

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THE CAUSES OF "SOLDIERING"

I got a new insight into "soldiering" that is, taking it easy, lying down on the work. There is no doubt, as I think, Emerson alleged, that most men are as lazy as they dare to be. Few individuals take to hard work naturally. That was the function of slavery in early

times, to get men in large numbers into the habit of work. One tribe conquered another tribe and put the conquered to toil. The Normans slowly bred in the enserfed Anglo-Saxons of England the habit of work, and that was the final making of the Anglo-Saxons. They came through strong, and pushed the idling Normans out of power, and have themselves been in power all over the world ever since. But such "soldiering" as there is in American industry is partly also the product of the industrial system. It is partly the fault of poor, unhuman, untactful foremanship-a fine foreman in the plant with me claims that fifty per cent of it is thus caused. That is probably too large. And the war methods of American industry increased "soldiering." A vast amount of production was called for on the cost-plus basis. The drag-net was thrown out for workers in every direction. Many factories were saturated with excess of help. Easy-going ways readily developed when the volume of workers, at any wage to procure them, was greater than the ill-organized volume of work.

One of the chief causes of "soldiering" seems to be the doubt about steady and continuous employment on the part of the worker. The staid economist jeers at the fallacy of the union belief that slowing up of effort will "make work" for a greater number. But the laborer who has been connected with an industry which is cursed with slack times, who has seen a rushing business followed again and again by a period of unemployment, who gets word through underground channels that the raw stock is running low and that the faster he works the sooner he and his comrades will be out on the street again looking perhaps for a long time in vain for a livelihood, who believes the charge that there have been many shut-downs in this country only for the purpose of keeping prices up by causing demand to speed hot-footed after supply, who hears that speculation in materials and not the steady flow of materials often controls output and employment-how can you blame a generation of workers, schooled in this combination of fact and belief, if they "soldier" on their jobs, with the thought that they are keeping employment steadier for a greater number of their kind?

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THE NEW FREEDOM

The American worker insists on a rea sonable measure of personal liberty, and the mass of factory workers are still smarting under the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment by a process which they regard as the snap judgment of war conditions. Most of them could get along without beer, but a large majority of them are still resentfully quarreling with the fate which denies them the long-accustomed privilege of taking a drink when and where they please.

The American worker also dislikes being regarded as merely a worker, a member of a lower social class in his country. Above all, he is demanding an Opportunity for self-expression and a

Smith & Lindsley, Syracuse

A CROWD OF EMPLOYEES OUTSIDE THE AUTOMOBILE FACTORY IN SYRACUSE "Last summer I got a letter from a manufacturer in Central New York. . . . What I think he had in mind was this: ... Why not give this college professor and legislator a look at the inside? . . . I turned up at the plant and became No. 4626. What interested me most was the great human side of the industry"

square deal. This tendency is the moving force of the great tide of so-called industrial democracy. This means to the worker a great deal more than shop committees and industrial councils. The I worker has not been alone in his sense of serfdom. It has been felt by the members of a political organization in the invisible presence of the power of the inner ring; the small merchant who does not dare to think differently from what his banker thinks; the member of the college faculty who kowtows faithfully to the patron trustee.

These men have their prejudices as well as their generosities. They will tell you that the Interchurch World Movement was wrecked because it ran head on against the brotherhood of wealth, which they hold is in eternal conflict with the brotherhood of man. They blame management and capital for evils for which the management and capital of any plant are only remotely responsible. When the falling off in the demand for automobiles came last summer, chiefly because the bankers of the country would not extend further credit to automobile dealers, and the workers were dropped by the hundred, one worker said to another on the street car:

"Well, I hear you got laid off, too. How long have you worked there?"

"Three years," said his comrade.

"Well, that shows how much they think of you, too. We don't own our own jobs."

The majority of these men would overturn the Eighteenth Amendment. And yet there are evidences of a better judg ment forming. An intelligent foreman talked to me of the clearer minds of

...

some of his men as soon as they let up on drink.

"They think of things they never thought of before," said he. "A while ago the newspapers had a lot to say about talking with Mars, and one of my men who had quit drinking because he had to, timidly asked me one day if i would explain this Mars business to him. I did as best I could, and he absorbed it like a child. While he was drinking he wouldn't have given a darn about it. There is a big intelligence in these men that has not been tapped. These fellows begin to understand that the saloon was never their real friend. This same man who wanted to talk about Mars came to me around Christmas-time and said:

"What do you think? I can't go to the saloon nights, and so I am buying a Victrola and staying at home with the kids.'"

In this plant, where the percentage of discharge for drinking was formerly high, since the abolition of the saloon less than one-tenth of one per cent are discharged for this cause.

CAUSES OF UNREST

One of the blacksmiths, speaking of vacation, said: "I thought last night I was going out of town with my family on a little vacation, too; but I got home and found that the landlord had been around and was going to raise my rent so high that I can't afford to go on a vacation. The politicians have been putting assessments up in the city and the landlord is passing the extra taxes on to me." A workman who had taken off his shoes to rest his feet said:

"You see those shoes? I went home

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