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THE HARKNESS TOWER—FROM PHELPS HALL ACROSS THE CAMPUS The Memorial Quadrangle, given to Yale College by Mrs. Stephen V. Harkness, of New York, in memory of her son, Charles W. Harkness, is the work, as an architectural entity, of James Gamble Rogers, himself a Yale man. He was born in Kentucky, had his early schooling in the public schools in Chicago, and studied architecture in the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris. He is the architectural creator of the Court House of Memphis, Tennessee, and of the Brooks Memorial in the same city, of the New Orleans Post Office and that of New Haven, of the Yale Club building of New York City, and was the winner, of the competition for the Sophie Newcomb College at

Tulane University

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The Memorial Quadrangle has one large interior court, with several subsidiary courts, which serve to give space and light to the group of buildings which compose the Memorial. The view here presented—"quite like Oxford,” some one says—shows a corner of the large court (the fence

at the right being a temporary feature)

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TOWER AT THE LEFT The Memorial Quadrangle occupies an entire city square, upon which formerly stood the Old Gymnaslum, the Peabody Museum, Pierson Hall, and various other buildings. Underneath the corner-stone (at the right) is a stone from each of the college buildings formerly in this square. This corner-stone was laid on the 200th anniversary of the starting of the first college building

at New Haven. The old Library of the College stands near by, across the street

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Wrexham Tower, at the left, is here seen from Branford Court. It is designed after the tower of the little Welsh church where Elihu Yale lies buried. Over the doorway of the entrance to Wrexham Tower is a stone brought from Wrexham Tower in Wales. Harkness Tower, on the right, is here seen from the corner of York and Library Streets. The view includes the varied

lines of the mass of buildings on the Library Street side of the Quadrangle

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Numerous ornamental gateways lead from the streets on which the Quadrangle faces to

the interior. They are named from noted men associated with Yale's history

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HERE is no revolution in the air having men of organizing genius as to receive into its ranks only a few of among the factory workers of leaders, but they want men who have the men returned from the war. This

America, so far as I could see. proved their capacity to lead harmoni- seems incredible, but it is understandBut there is a great inchoate yearning ously and intelligently in the disciplined able. and a feeling that the development of comradeship of co-operative production. "What has the country ever done for men has not received the attention from To provide against revolution between us?" they demand. “What have we to industrial management which has been industrial classes in America, against thank the Government for? How did we given to the development of the ma- direct action, the general strike, and all get where we are? Behind us is a cenchine. Cyrus McCormick, Jr., in the that dangerous and unwholesome brood tury and a half of the agony of a strug"Harvester World,” strikes the keynote: of radicalisms which threaten Europe, gle against influences which tried to Automatic machinery, progressive

we must clear away the menace of deprive us and our children of our machining and assembling, have come either capitalistic or labor class control rights as human beings." to stay. Do we make as good use of in this country. Why has labor in Sometimes in this country we hear man power as of machine power? England again and again seemed dis- the sullen murmur of labor against the Are we taking better care of ma- loyal to the Government? The reason militia. It is not that labor is unpachines than we are of men? No fac

is to be found in the tragedy of the long triotic, but that many times the militia tory superintendent would consent to

struggle of English labor with a landed has been used for class purposes, and the operation of any gear-cutter

and manufacturing class government not impartially for the common welfare. which was so dulled as to cause its

which for generations denied labor jus- Sometimes we hear labor denounce the rate of production to drop below the point of efficiency. It is more impor

tice. There were seventy-five years of courts, but it is because some biased tant that the man should be main- the factory system before the labor of judges, trained in the corporate cult, tained in good health, that he should women and older children was reduced have used arbitrary mandates of injunchave around his home and his work from twelve to ten hours a day, and tion against the weak and helpless. a happy influence, and in a proper sixty years of it before the labor of Elihu Root, in a speech before the Consense be unwearied.

children between nine and thirteen was stitutional Convention of the State of There is no revolution in the heart of

reduced to eight hours and employment New York in 1915, on “The Invisible American workers. Burn and rob

in the mills of children under nine Government,” showed that for forty these men with whom I spent the sum

years of age was finally prohibited. years neither the people nor the commer? They are representative average There was a long period when, out of mon welfare had been in power in the American citizens, and if they have sight in the mines of England, children State of New York. And of course the arson and robbery in their hearts it is

from five years upward appear to have same conditions were prevalent in more in the heart of America—the most or- worked for long hours sometimes for than a dozen other great States where derly country in the world. In the ten cents a day.

autocratic and sometimes corrupt inselective draft the Government reached The terrible battle against a govern- fluence controlled the puppets of poliinto every home, and there was never ment which for many years refused to tics. In recent years, since the deplora draft riot. The Government took

workingmen the right to organize, which able Adamson incident in the Federal away liquor from millions of people, permitted an exploitative degradation of Congress of 1916, and during the war against the will of a vast number, and the homes of labor, the battle against while labor had its opportunity to make there was never a whisky insurrection. laissez-faire economists with their upper- or break the world, there was danger of The working people of America have no class-comforting theories that nothing the other extreme, and there still is. wish to tear our institutions down.

could be done which would not make The general strike upon public or quasiThey want the corporations to have a matters worse-all this is burned into public utilities is a paralyzing weapon. square deal. They are not opposed to the soul of the English working class But the way out is not through a return

and accounts to-day for their seeming to the control of government by capi. 1 Senator Davenport entered automobile factory as a worker last summer. His experi- lack of patriotism. We are told that talism, but by the upbuilding of governences form the basis of this article, as of that in The Outlook for May 4. trade-unionism in England has agreed ment so intelligent, so just, that both


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