the British and Foreign Review", the purpose of which was to show that many of the Wolfian arguments against the unity of the authorship of the Homeric poems, derived from the inconsistencies of their different parts, would apply with equal force to the Æneid, and that it would follow, by parity of reasoning, that the latter poem had a plurality of authors. G. C. L. XVII. OBSERVATIONS ON THE XANTHIAN MARBLES. THE acquisition of the Xanthian Marbles for the British Museum is a subject of rejoicing for all scholars and lovers of ancient art. It is only by the accumulation of monuments of this description in the museums of Europe that additional light can be thrown on the history of Greek art, and these Lycian remains could nowhere be studied more profitably than in close contact with the marbles of the Parthenon and of Phigalia. Too much credit cannot be given to Mr. Fellows for his zeal and perseverance in finally securing these interesting objects; and it is sincerely to be hoped that the Museum may again acquire fresh treasures of equal value from the same spots and by the same agency. We do not propose to discuss at length either the style of art or the subjects of the Xanthian Marbles, but in a periodical of this sort, a notice of some kind is due to the reader with regard to so important an addition to our means for investigating the history of art in a district of the ancient world hitherto unexplored. The most interesting of these Lycian remains are,— The frieze of the so-called Harpy tomb. The frieze representing, as it is supposed, the taking of Xanthus by Harpagus. A frieze the subject of which is a battle between combatants on horseback and foot. Eight fragments of figures (now placed in the centre of the room). Besides these, there are parts of other friezes, and of several pediments, as well as other fragments and detached objects. To begin with the frieze of the monument which Mr. Fellows has termed the Harpy tomb, its mythological import has been 40 On the self-contradictions of Homer,' No. XVIII. Art. 9. discussed at considerable length, by M. Panofka, in a recent number of the Archäologische Zeitung, and by Mr. Birch of the British Museum, as well as by Mr. B. Gibson and M. Raoul Rochette, in the Journal des Savans. The subjects are very obscure, and scarcely appear as yet to have been satisfactorily explained, even if that should be possible. As a work of art, the style is very ancient, resembling that of the bas-relief in the Villa Albani, described by Winkelman (Werke, 11. 194. Compare Zöega, Bassi-relievi, 1. 40; Müller, Handbuch der Kunst. § 96. 13) as Leucothea, and not unlike the Samothracian fragment of Agamemnon and Talthybius in the Louvre (Müller, Handbuch der Kunst. § 96. 12; Millingen, Uned. Mon. series II. 1). A portion of one of the pediments too, in the centre of the Phigalian room, may seem to bear marks of an early period, but it is far less rude in execution, and less stiff in the movements of the figures, than the sculpture on the Harpy tomb. It seems rather to be executed by an artist capable of working with freedom, but who has purposely adhered to a hieratic character. One singular thing about the costume of the figures on the frieze of the Harpy tomb is the long train attached to the dress of the sitting goddesses, whom M. Panofka takes to be Demeter and Cora. It is by no means clear, as has been remarked by a writer in the last number of the For. and Col. Quarterly, that the harpies are connected with the main subject of each panel. Certain other portions of sculpture, which are now placed under this frieze, are also well worthy of observation in many respects. The mythology, the costume, the treatment, and the execution of the Harpy frieze are, to our eyes, thoroughly Greek, however ancient and rude they may appear. They are, at any rate, less clumsy than the Hercules Melampygos or the Perseus of the Selinuntine metopes. This is not, however, so clearly marked on some of the fragments now standing under it. The fragments alluded to were, it is believed, found built into the wall of the Acropolis; and they are remarkable for showing the forelocks of the horses, and one or two other points precisely similar in arrangement and in character to the Persepolitan sculptures (Fellows' Second Tour, p. 173). There is something not Greek in the treatment of the figures also, and the whole feeling of art is different from that of the other monuments. Among these slabs occur some with what the writer in the For. and Col. Quarterly calls "the deer-slaying lion, so common in Asiatic works of art1." The frieze which represents the taking of the city is highly interesting, both as regards its subject, its conception, and its execution. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the subject is the very capture described by Herodotus (1. 176); for the circumstances are so special as hardly to be applicable to two events. The person before whom the vanquished are brought wears a Phrygian cap, and is seated under an umbrella; but his soldiers, both in this slab and in those representing the attack on the town, are habited as Greeks. This agrees exactly with the account of Herodotus (r. 171): Αρπαγος δὲ καταστρεψάμενος Ιωνίην ἐποιέετο στρατηΐην ἐπὶ Καρας καὶ Καυνίους καὶ Λυκίους, ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ Ιωνας καὶ Αἰολέας. Moreover, as Colonel Leake has remarked, in his recent letter to Mr. Hamilton, some of the troops wear a peculiar long XITOY or shirt, being probably the characteristic garment alluded to by Homer, in the description of the same race as Ιάονες ἑλκεχίτωνες (Il. XIII. 685), and very different from the short military garment called KUTασσis, which only reached half-way down the thigh, such as is seen in the Æginetan statues, in the detached recumbent figure of the Selinuntine marbles, or in the figure of the warrior (probably Sarpedon) receiving the helmet, on the north side of the Harpy frieze (compare Müller, Handbuch der Kunst. § 337. 4; Pollux, vii. 71; Alcæus apud Athen. xiv. p. 627; and Casaubon's note). Nothing can be more curious than the details of the city-gate, and the general aspect of the fortifications, as shown on this frieze. They resemble generally the bas-relief representation of an ancient city, from a tomb at Pinara, engraved in Mr. Fellows' Second Tour. The battlements are shaped somewhat like inverted heater shields, and resemble in form frontons on ancient buildings, such, for instance, as the fragment No. 39, now lying on the floor of the same room, which covered the ends of the joint tiles over the cornice. The angle of the wall is generally protected by returning the half of such a battlement round the corner, thus forming very much the sort of termination which often finishes the angles of the It is a singular fact, that in one of the courts of the Alhambra of Granada, there is an old Moorish sarcophagus of marble, now serving for the cistern of a fountain, which is sculptured with this subject, in low relief, very closely resembling the early Greek works. An Arabic inscription, and the general style, however, leave no doubt of its being Moorish work. lid of a sarcophagus. It will be observed that the combatants, on both sides, are habited like Greeks; they have round or perhaps sometimes oval shields, and, for the most part, the ordinary Greek helmet. Some however have pointed helmets. This naturally leads us to the question, what was the population of Xanthus before its capture by Harpagus? It is to be inferred perhaps from what Mr. Fellows says at pp. 250, 252, and 253, of his Second Tour, taken in conjunction with the supplementary chapter, that he is inclined to hold the city of Xanthus before the conquest by Harpagus (B. C. circa 546), to have been in the main Lycian, as distinguished from Greek. That some Greek elements existed, is clear from the adoption of the Greek alphabet, (an adoption later, as Colonel Leake observes, than that by the Etruscans), and from other circumstances; and it appears probable that for a very long period anterior to the conquest by Harpagus the main elements of civilization and the general character of the people were Greek. This question is too important to be discussed incidentally, but it will be sufficient to remark, that this early connexion is sufficiently pointed out in the myths of Sarpedon, and of Lycus, son of the Attic king Pandion, as well as in the Homeric story of Bellerophon, (see Thirlwall, Hist. 11. 89; Herodotus, 1. 173), and in the prevalence of Greek stories and mythology on the monuments of the country. No stress can be laid on the names of the Lycian warriors in Iliad. v. 677, whom Ulysses slays: ἔνθ ̓ ὅγε Κοίρανον εἷλεν, Αλάστορά τε Χρόμιόν τε, Ἀλκανδρόν θ' Αλιόν τε Νοήμονά τε Πρύτανίν τε. They are Greek certainly, but so are the names of the Phaacians in the Odyssey. One fact, however, of great weight, as showing the early and complete preponderance of the Greek element, is the name of the river. At the time when the poems of Homer were written it was called Xanthus, yet its original name was Sirbes or Sirbe, (see Cramer, Asia Minor, 11. 247; Strabo, xiv. 3). This fact is mentioned by Mr. Fellows, (Second Tour, p. 278), who states that Sirbes is a Persian word similar in meaning to the Greek Xanthus. We may infer, from the established use of the name Xanthus, that the population who spoke the language allied to Zend was not the dominant race at the time of Homer. Similar cases of double names are not uncommon in modern history, and may be found in Wales. The Lycian language, it is to be presumed, was the language of the Solymi, that ancient population from whom the country had been partially wrested by the early Greek colonists, (compare Herod. 1. 274; Il. vi. 185). It seems probable that the expression of Homer with regard to Bellerophon, Σολύμοισι μαχέσσατο κυδαλίμοισι, points in fact to a border warfare between the Greek and Asiatic races, which terminated in a partial blending of the two nations; but still so that Greek culture and intellect stamped the predominant character on the cities at least, and preserved its intrinsic superiority over the barbaric element. That such a modification of national habits did take place in many respects on the coast of Asia, is pretty clear. Thus Herodotus tells us that the Athenian colonists of Ionia married Carian wives (1. 146), and if we believe what he says in the 5th book (87), the habits of the Carian women reacted even on the mother-country, and caused the adoption of their dress in Attica. The same inference as to a certain mixture of races must be drawn from the custom of tracing the descent through the mother (Herod. 1. 172), which must have had a barbaric origin, and from the very existence of bilingual inscriptions. Strabo (XIII. ad fin.) probably intends to imply that the language of the Solymi remained as a living language among the Cibyrata to the time of Murena. We might illustrate such a state of things by a reference to a portion of England. English laws and customs, and English feeling, though tinctured by provincial peculiarities, have for centuries prevailed in Cornwall, yet the Cornish language was still currently spoken in some villages in the time of Camden (Remains, p. 27), and the language itself we know was not entirely extinct until a very late period. The alphabet too in which it was written was the same as that of the conquerors. We conceive therefore that the population which occupied Xanthus at the time of its capture by Harpagus was essentially Greek in its character and its culture; and it has been already observed, that there is in the frieze under consideration no difference in the arms of the besiegers and the besieged,—the captives brought before Harpagus are dressed as Greeks would be. It may be replied, Herodotus expressly tells us that the whole population, with the exception of eighty families, were exterminated, and that those who held the city afterwards were ýλudes, a word |