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Travels in the Morea, and the Travels in Northern Greece, by the same author, though inferior to the Topography of Athens, in systematic arrangement and completeness of information, yet, like it, must form the basis of at least all English enquiry on Greek topography in general. Dr. Wordsworth's Athens and Attica, as the work of a most accomplished scholar, supplying several important deficiencies in Col. Leake's earlier edition, and the popular view of Greek geography which he has given in the letterpress to the Pictorial Greece, occupy blanks which had not been otherwise filled. In Germany, we may hope for the results of the investigations of K. O. Miiller, so ably pursued, and so mournfully interrupted—and for their continuation, by Welcker, who has just returned from a journey to Greece, undertaken with a view to that express object. And from Athens itself, Dr. Ross and Dr. Ulrichs, professors in the University of Athens, have illustrated Greek topography, the former, by various tracts on some of the disputed points in Athens, and some discoveries in the Greek Islands, and the latter, by a valuable work on Phocis, and especially on Delphi. — Nor must we omit the elaborate papers of Mr. Finlay, on Marathon and Diacria, or of General Gordon, on the Pass of Thermopylae.

Greek topography, therefore, is occupying, if it has not already occupied, a large space in classical literature, and it may, therefore, be desirable to call attention to a few points, which may shew that it is not labour spent in vain.

This is not the place to show the connexion of geography with history: but that there is a peculiar interest in the topography of Greece, over and above what it has in common with that of other countries, might be inferred from the vast proportion of works which have been written upon it. The work of Pausanias, as a survey of one particular country, stands alone in ancient literature. Geographers of course there are besides, but Greece is the only country which can boast of an extant1 ancient topo

1 It is not of course meant that there are no other topographies than that of Greece, but that Greek topography alone awakened sufficient interest to produce works which should survive. For an account of the elaborate topographies of

Athens which have perished—of the fifteen books of Heliodorus on the Acropolis alone—of the four books of Pol em on on merely the dedications of the Acropolis —see Leake, i. 36 (2nd edit.).

graphy. Even in the middle ages the interest was not entirely laid asleep,—the very extravagance of the misnomers which were affixed to every existing ruin, proves the impossibility which men found of remaining in conscious ignorance about a place once so famous. And from the time of Spon and Wheler to the living writers who have just been enumerated, the catalogue of authors on Greek topography, in the introduction to Dr. Wordsworth's Greece, sufficiently shews how powerful an attraction it has possessed for the mind of civilized Europe.

Various causes, doubtless, have contributed to this result. In ancient times, Greece possessed facilities for a study of its topography beyond those of any other country in the then civilized world. Whilst the remains of Egypt attracted notice indeed, but not from the natives of the soil, and whilst the relics of old Rome were buried, then as now, under the grandeur of the empire— whilst Palestine was the land of a nation who were expelled from it before the age when nations begin to be antiquarian—Greece was in the singular position of a country full of antiquities, yet with a still living people, exactly in that stage of decline when antiquities are invested with the greatest charm.

And in modern times, whilst its great fame would of itself excite inquiry, the impediments which the difficulties of travelling throw in the way of a complete elucidation of the topography in any single work, as well as the wish of every new visitant to discover new objects of interest, in a country imperfectly known in Western Europe, would naturally tend to multiply the works connected with it, and prolong them over a long period of time. But there is something deeper than this, which lends a peculiar charm to the study—there is an interest with which the traveller looks upon the scenery of Greece, over and above the mere pleasure arising from early and solemn associations. This charm is supplied, this interest is awakened, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, by the fact, that no other country of equal fame can display so visible a connexion between the character of the scenery and the character and fortunes of those who inhabited it. Of Greece, most emphatically, is it true, that2 the

2 Thirlwall's Greece, II. 362.

men were not made for the country, but that the country was made for the men. Athens could have been nowhere but at Athens. The oracle of the Greek race could have found its appropriate home nowhere but at Delphi. The consciousness of this peculiarity has, from the earliest times, been impressed on those who, by study or residence, have become familiar with the features of Greece. The ancient legend, preserved by Plato3, represented Pallas as planting her chosen race in Attica, because a glance at the country showed her that it was by nature framed for the nurture of virtue and of wisdom. And in modern times it is the characteristic of the histories of Greece, above all others, that, from the scanty sketch which is contained in the first chapter of Goldsmith, to the vivid and elaborate picture which occupies the same place in Thirlwall, they all open with a delineation of its geography.

The connexion in question is, of course, indisputable, more or less, in every case. Few, for instance, can have visited Rome without being impressed by the seeming anticipation of its future greatness in the peculiarities of its situation. We sometimes wonder at the prophetic intimations of the duration of its empire in the early legends which describe the twelve vultures of Romulus; or the resistance of Terminus to remove from the capitol at the command of Tarquin; or at the manner in which the august story of its founder's infancy symbolises the martial spirit and ''wolflike character of his people. Yet these are not more remarkable, nor are they such certain shadows cast before by the coming destinies of the eternal city, as are suggested by observing how, in the first hour of its birth, it was planted, not on the delightful and luxurious shores of Campania; nors on the crest of some Etrurian height, where expansion would have been impossible— but near a barren coast, under the shelter of a range of hills, forming a sufficient bulwark to protect its feeble infancy from the surrounding mountaineers, yet not so lofty or abrupt as to restrain the growth of its gigantic powers, when they were sufficiently matured to extend the outskirts of the actual city to the distance of thirty miles, and of its empire to the Atlantic and Euphrates. This remarkable and, as it may well be called, providential adaptation of the outward habitation to the inward soul of nations, is so important a province of historical investigation, and so evident a witness to the fact of an order and plan of moral government in the destiny of states, that it is not to be wondered at if more than ordinary attention has been paid to the topography of the most complete and striking exemplification of this idea that has ever yet appeared. For such Greece appears to be; and without giving her a higher part in the history of the world than was really hers, yet, so far as we can judge from the result, the peculiar part which she was called to perform would, a priori, dispose us to expect that a more than ordinary connexion would exist between her history and geography—that a nation which was to exhibit the highest possible perfection to which the unassisted human intellect could attain, should imbibe the largest possible share of all the purely natural influences which could work upon it—that a nation which was to fix the standard of taste and beauty for all countries and ages, should be endowed with a temper which should receive, and placed in a country which should suggest, all such images as should most conduce to this result.

8 Ot' Ozv <pi\oTro\efi6v Tc Kal tytkoGotpos ovtra tj Beos Tov lrpo<T{pepe<rrdTovs atrrrj fieWoirra olaetv T&kov dvSpas, Towtov iKke£ap.evq irpaTov KaTinKiaev. wiceire Stj o5i/ vdjuois T€ Toioutois •^puofxevoiy K-.-r.X. Plato, Timaus. 6. So Critias, 4.

4 We cannot make this remark without noticing the powerful expression of the idea in the "Prophecy of Capys," in Mr. Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome.

We are not aware of any passage in Roman writers where the idea itself is distinctly brought out; but it is almost impossible to see the bronze wolf in the capitol without recognising in it the intention to express the fierce and indomitable character of its supposed sucklings. 5 This provision for the future expansion of Rome is well put in Gell's Topography of Rome, II. 20'J.

It would he impossible to go through all the details of this connexion, or to point out precisely where it is an actual case of cause and effect, or where it is merely a case of illustration.— That there was a peculiar influence exercised over the character of the Greek states by the local features of their respective abodes, seems to be the real ground lying at the root of their favourite idea of indigenousness; chiefly applicable indeed to the Athenians, who most of all claimed it, but applicable more or less to all. In its most general form it appears in the instinct by which they received every native, and repelled every foreign, impression. The Romans imported art, manners, worship, from every quarter,— province after province with all its usages was incorporated into the enormous mass of the empire; and yet for a time it became gigantic without becoming unwieldly or distorted. In Greece, on the other hand, the slightest interfusion of the elements even of one Grecian state or race with another, if they were not so transmuted in the process as in fact to become naturalized, acted like a pestilence; and when the Macedonian, and afterward the Roman dominion, had extended itself over Greece, all her energies were first paralyzed, and then destroyed for ever. What may have been the influence of Egypt in the period which lies beyond the reach of history, it is of course difficult to determine—but how striking is the contrast between its visible traces as left in Greece and in Rome! In Greece, the only indisputable vestige of it is the remnant of a pyramid, of unknown date, still to be seen on the plain of Argos. In Italy, every traveller knows how the temple of Isis is one of the most remarkable features among the ruins of Pompeii, and how the city of the Cresars and the popes is studded with the obelisks of Amenophis and Sesostris.

This tendency, if it had not its first root, must have found great encouragement, in a peculiarity of Greek geography which we do not always sufficiently consider, viz. its mountains. Never did any poet more completely catch the distinctive feature of a country than Gray when he described Greece as a land

Where each old poetic mountain
Inspiration breathes around.

In the deficiency of forests, lakes, and rivers, in the scenery of Greece, it is precisely the exquisite outline of its mountains—their venerable overhanging crags, their deep ravines, hoary with thyme,— which form the real life and genius of the landscape. The peculiarity of the Greek mountains is truly and simply given in Mr. Fellowes' description of those in Lycia: "I have never seen mountains so beautiful, so poetically beautiful. I remember seeing something of the same effect in those of Carrara from the Spezia road, and again in Greece; and in each case they were, as here, of marble. They have a craggy broken form and a gray silvery colour, which gives them a delicacy of beauty quite in contrast to the bold grandeur of the granite peaks of Switzerland, or the rich beauty of the sandy rocks of England." (Asia Minor, p. 189.) They also fix at once the limits and character

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