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a fpace of about four hundred years, from the earliest accounts of time, to the coming in of the Milefians from Spain; through the feveral colonies of Parthalanians, Nemedians, Belgians, and Danonians. The fecond period, which may be called the Obfcure, begins with the Spanish invafion, and extends through a courfe of thirteen hundred years, to the arrival of St. Patrick who converted the ifland. The third or middle age, which may be called the Enlightened, begins with the planting of the gofpel by that miffionary, and extends to the conqueft by the English; which contains a fpace of feven hundred and forty years. The latter age, which may be called the Hiftorical, may be computed from the reign of Henry the fecond, 'till its final fettlement at the revolution by king William.'p.119.

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His first book, which comprehends the first period, is wifely made very fhort. The fecond period, which he ftiles theObfcure, takes up the four next books; we here find a more regular force than was known in other countries for many ages after; at this period we find Pentarchy formed, deftroyed, and re-eftablished; but there feems always to fubfift one monarch, to which, till juft before the arrival of English monarchs, the reft were fubordinate; the then monarch, fometimes through weakness, fometimes through inattention, does not affert his fuperiority. Through a mift of barbarifm and confufion, there is a glimmering of anintended order and government, and there are not wanting very great men. Ollam Fodla seems to have had great ideas, he lived about A. M. 3236 he formed a fort of

conftitution, which the doctor compares to our parliament, to which however it does not feem to bear any other refemblance than as being a national affembly; but whatever it was it died with him, tho' it left claims to be afterwards afferted by the people. Cormac, a prince who began his reign A.D.254 was a man of prodigious parts and a bilities; he had loft an eye in battle, and being obliged to retire from government, in deference to the ideas of the time, which permitted none to reign who had a perfonal blemifh, he discovered to the world the errors of the Druid worship, and, as our author thinks, paved the way to Christianity.

In his fixth book opens what he calls the Enlightened age, but proves a very heavy road for the hiftorian. We find the gospel had been before preached there, but it was not till A. D. 432 that Palladius was fent from Rome; nor was it till fome years after that, by the preaching and exemplary life and wife conduct of St. Patrick, that Chriftianity gained much ground. This and the seventh book taking up the space of about 370 years, contains little elfe than the fucceffion and genealogies of the kings and faints, and confequently cannot be interefting: till the year of our lord 797, the Irish hiftory is little elfe than a continued fcene of domeftic ftrife. The milery of the country about that time was increafed by continual invafions from the Danes, who settled themfelves in moft of the fea ports, and were often poffeffed of the empire of the whole ifland; it was not till after long fufferings that the Irish thought of equipping a fleet, and in the very first use of it gave a

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tal blow to the Danish power; this battle difplayed great courage in both parties, and was full of extraordinary feats. The embarkation was fcarce effected, when the army of Munfter reached Dan dalk; where they hoped to inclofe the Danes as in a net, and either make them prifoners of war, or put them all to the fword: but they had no fooner entered the place under this expectation, than they found themfelves again difappointed, their king carried aboard, and the enemy out of their reach. Whilft they were cropding along the shore, lamenting this misfortune, and meditating a way to redrefs it, they faw a large fleet under a brifk gale of wind fteering directly towards the Danish fhips, which they foon perceived to be the fleet from Munster. In the fame proportion in which they were elated with this difcovery, the Danes were furprised and terrified. For when once they were embarked, they thought themfelves as much out of the reach of the Irish, as though they had been landed in their own country. But instead of this fafety, they found themselves on a fudden in the utmoft peril. There was no poffibility of efcaping the Irish fleet, which would be almoft along-fide of them before they could weigh anchor and get under fail; and if they attempted to difembark, they were fure to be cut to pieces by the Irish army. There was therefore no fecurity for them in this fituation, but their valour and dexterity; and in these they must confide.

The Irish admiral, if he may be called fo, perceiving the Danes in the utmost hurry and confufion at his approach, made all the hafte

he could to begin the attack; con fiftently with that order and difpofition of his fhips, on which the fuccefs of naval engagements in a great measure depends. If the Danes were under a manifeft difadvantage in having scarce time enough to form into a line of battle, yet they were much fuperior in the number of men, having all the guards, and the remainder of their land forces on board; which, in fhips without ordnance, make the príncipal part of their strength. The Irish commander, like a brave man, fought out the fhip of the Danish general, and after attacking it with great impetuofity, boarded it fword in hand. He had been fcarce a moment on board, before he faw Ceallachan bound to the maft. Nothing but the fight of his king in that pofition, whose liberty was the great object of the expedititon he had the command of, could add to the fire of his valour on that occafion: but this fight fet his valour in a blaze of fury; and regardless of prudence, fafety, or any other confideration, he made his way to him through blood and flaughter. As foon as he had cut the cords with his fword, which had faftened him to the maft, he advised him inftantly to repair on board the Irish fhip he had quitted, and leave him to fight it out with the general of the Danes. There was no time for confultation, and Ceallachan took his advice: but though nothing could exceed the fpirit and activity of the Irish admiral, who feemed fomething more than man, and who dealt death and deftruction round him, yet he was not immortal. Surrounded at last by the Danish guards, and too few of his own

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feamen having boarded the fhip with him to clear the deck, he was overpowered by numbers, and fell covered by blood and wounds. The Danish general, being convinced, that upon the lofs of his own fhip would in all probabity follow the lofs of all his fleet, exerted his skill and valour in order to fave it and that he might strike a terror and difmay into the Irish, he caufed the head of Failbhe their admiral to be cut off and expofed to view. Fingall, the admiral's fecond, being thus informed of his fate, refolved to revenge his death; and calling to his men to follow him, they boarded the Dane with an irrefiftible fury. The conteft was hot and bloody; but there being fo many fresh men to fupply the place of the flaughtered or difabled Danes, the Irish had no profpect of obtaining the victory. As unable however as Fingall was to poffefs himself of the Danifh fhip, he was too valiant an Irishman to think of retreating to his own; especially without the deftruction of Sitrick, in revenge of the death of Failbhe. He took a refolution therefore in this dilemma, which is not perhaps to be paralle'ed in any hiftory. Making his way up to Sitrick, with his fword, against all that oppofed him, he grafped him clofe in his arms and threw himfelf with him into the fea; where they both expired together. Two other Irish captains, being fired with the glory of this action of Fingall's, and being intent on fecuring the victory to their countrymen, made their way through the enemy with redoubled fury, and boarding the fhip in which were Tor and Magnus, the furviving brothers of Sitrick, and then

the chief commanders of the Danes, rufhed violently upon them, caught them up in their arms, after the example of Fingall, and jumping overboard with them, were all loft together.

The Danes being equally aftonifhed and difiayed at thefe defperate exploits of the Irish, having loft their general and his brothers, as well as vaft numbers of other officers and men, and the royal prifoners being released, began to lofe much of their courage, and to think all oppofition in vain. The Irish perceiving the enemy difpirited and giving way, pursued their fuccefs with fo much the more ardour; and boarding most of the Danish fleet, a horrible flaughter enfued. Nor did the Momonians (Munfter men) obtain this victory-the first engagement at fea the Irish ever attempted-without prodigious lofs. The Danes, befides their numbers, had greatly the fuperiority in point of skill in naval encounters; and they not only fought for their prefent fafety, but for their future peace and establishment on the island. On the other fide, the Irish contended not only for victory, but to redeem their king and country out of the hands of these treacherous and cruel enemies. This was therefore the moft obftinate and bloody battle that had been known between them for many years. The army which flood on the shore in fight of the whole engagement were like men distracted, because they were fo near and yet could give no affiftance to their countrymen; who were overmatched in fkill and numbers, and who for a great while had no profpect of ob taining the victory at laft however it was compleated, though $4

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without a fpeaker, nor was their having a fpeaker originally from the crown, but by the commonsTill Hen. IV's time, not one precedent of prefenting a speaker, &c. The chancellor tells us, that the king's favour may not turn to his prejudice, &c. This being put to a queftion of right, we muft ftand upon our right. There is no reafon from the electors or the elected, why he should be rejected; therefore I adhere to Mr. Seymour.

Seymour in the chancellor's fpeech. But if it be proved that the king has always granted, and never denied the choice, I fuppofe the thing will be given up. There is but one precedent of the king's denial, and that was in the cafe of Thorp. It is ftrange that this house must be made a fecond. I fee many worthy faces that were not here the laft parliament: and therefore. I fhall fay, it is very hard, there having, for an hundred years together, never been fo much as one excufe made by a Speaker chofen by the commons, nor one allowance or difallowance made in parliament, that it fhould be fo now. It was ufually excufed by compliment, and this parliament has complimented itfelf out of its right. But I would not lofe a hair's breadth of the king's right, nor the fubjects. They are enemies to the nation, that, at this time, throw a bone betwixt the king and us. After all this danger and diftraction we are in, muft this houfe be made the next precedent? I would not take the leaft right from the king. I move, ⚫ that the clerk may put the quef-good liking. The king faid, tion for adjourning the houfe till to-morrow,' and in the interim the records may be fearched for precedents in this matter, and then Ave may inform the king how much this manner of proceeding is to his prejudice and yours.

Mr. Williams.] This is now a queftion of right. I am forry that our time, at the beginning of a feffion, should be thus loft by the ftarting this queftion. Here is a worthy perfon named, Sir Thomas Meres, and we named and prefented to the king a worthy one too. The commons have been

Sir Thomas Clarges.] I defire to inform the house, because there are a great many new members that were not of the laft parliament; that we have power of adjourning ourfelves by the clerkIn time of ficknefs of the fpeaker, it has been done from day to day. Gentlemen, our lives and liberties are preferved by this houfe, and the privileges are inheritable to us. I must inform you, that Mr. Seymour attended the king yesterday, and he acquainted his majefty with the unanimous choice of him to be fpeaker, and that he hoped to have the king's

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He liked very well the choice.' If fo, this alteration of the king's mind must be from evildifpofed people about the king, who would create difcontent between the king and his people. The king faid once, He would

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have no favourites but the commons of England." If you will not think fit to caufe Mr. Seymour to declare what the king faid to him, I acquiefce. But I move that you will adjourn..

Mr. Garroway.] I am one that have fat here long, and have feen great mifcarriages, prorogations,

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and diffolutions.

Colonel Birch. I am heartily forry this has happened. This is an unlucky ftumble at the threshold, before we get into the houfe. I came hither with an intention (God is my witnefs) to make this a

I am not afraid of it now, and I hope no man elfe here is afraid of it. I would not give the king offence, but not part with one hair of our right. If you will not stand to it here, you will have a great many things put upon you. I am fatisfied that we could not fix upon a fitter perfon for fpeaker than Mr. Seymour; he is a privy counsellor, treasurer of of the navy, and has done the king very good service here, which makes me wonder he fhould not be approved of by the king. I thought we could not have obliged the king more. The king faid, He would have no favourite but his people.'-And thus to have our speaker rejected, what will you think of it! Pray, gentlemen, let us sleep upon it, and let the clerk put the question for adjourning till

to-morrow.

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Sir Thomas Lee.] I fee it is the univerfal opinion to adjourn, &c. therefore I fhall fay but a little. The last parliament, a little before the prorogation, information was given the houfe of the danger of the king's perfon, and the house addreffed the king, To have a of his perfon, &c.' The anfwer was, The king was then bufy, but we should have an account of our message;' but for three weeks we heard nothing, and we were prorogued. I take notice only how things grow by degrees. We came up to this parliament with great joy, and expectation of doing good, and now we are thus interrupted! This being our condition, and we having precedents plain in the cafe for us, I would adjourn till to-morrow, and then make a reprefentation of the thing to the king.

healing parliament.' I have always heard here, that it is the undoubted right of this houfe to chufe their fpeaker, &c. I have reason to believe Mr. Seymour very proper for the employment, and that he would be acceptable to his majefty; but he that did this with the king may do more. I would adjourn till to-morrow, and make a reprefentation of our right to the king.

Mr. Powle.] This gives me apprehenfion that there is fome perfon too near the king, who is afraid of this parliament, I have obferved that, of late, thofe things of the greatest moment are done without any council at all; done in a corner. As for the prorogation and diffolution of the laft parliament, there was not one word of the advice of the privy council in it. I fear no advice was asked, but given for fupporting the defigns of private men. I have ever taken the record to be, that no man was ever refufed being fpeaker when prefented to the king, but for fome difability of body; as in Sir John Popham's cafe, who defired to be excufed from that fervice by reafon of difability of body from wounds he received in the wars, 28 Hen. VI. And lately Sir Job Charlton, not being able to endure the employment, by reafon of difability of body-But nothing of this can be objected against Mr. Seymour. Muft any private perfon inform the king of his unfitness, &c. without agy

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