ENATOR HARDING DECLARES NENATOR HARDING'S speech at his home in Marion, Ohio, on Saturday, August 28, will have far more nfluence in the election than any series of peeches he could have made as a pilgrim rator. Americans are a reading people, nd this clear and calm discussion of a reat National question will find its way hrough the press to every city, town, and illage. If any reader wishes to get a copy h convenient form for reading or for circution, doubtless the Republican National Fon amittee will furnish it on request. Senator Harding tells his hearers that with great misgiving," announced at he time, he voted for the Wilson League vith reservations "designed to preserve ur essential liberty of action." But conditions have changed." "The orignal League, mistakenly conceived and anreasonably insisted upon, has undoubtedly passed beyond the possibility of restoration." The Premier of Great Britain, when asked why he does not use the powers of Europe in the defense of Poland, Armenia, and the Dardanelles, relied that the European nations could not and the United States would not urnish the troops. If President Wilson hinks the Premier is mistaken, he has nly to call on Congress to declare war and confer upon him specific authority o raise troops for that purpose. Yet the eague Covenant without reservations vould involve the United States in a noral obligation to do this very thing. Senator Harding indignantly denies that he would decline to co-operate with >ther nations in an honest endeavor to prevent wars. "Nobody living would take hat position." "The only question is one of method or of practicability within pounds prescribed by principles." Then follows his definition of the principles involved, which we give in his own words: There are distinctly two types of international relationship. One is an offensive and defensive alliance of great Powers, like that created at Versailles, to impose their will upon the helpless peoples of the world. Frankly, I am opposed to such a scheme as that, and I speak knowingly when I say that the associated Powers, with whom we fought the war, were reluctant to accept such a proposition. The other type is a society of free nations, or an association of free nations, or a league of free nations, animated by considerations of right and justice, instead of might and selfinterest, and not merely proclaimed an SEPTEMBER 8, 1920 agency in pursuit of peace, but so organized and so participated in as to make the actual attainment of peace a reasonable possibility. Such an association I favor with all my heart, and I would make no fine distinction as to whom credit is due. One need not care what it is called. Let it be an association, a society, or a league, or what not, our concern is solely with the substance, not the form thereof. In this spirit, not of compromise, but of co-operation, Mr. Harding is quite WHAT'S THE MATTER WITH THE The startling results of J. Madison Gathany's investigation of farm conditions in the East will open many eyes. The first in his series of four articles appears in The Outlook for next week. Mr. Gathany traveled more than 3,500 miles by train, motor car, and on foot to obtain his information, and talked to hundreds of farmers, farmers' wives, hired workers, farm organizers, and heads of farm bureaus and exchanges. Read this running story of the high cost of meat and potatoes, of child labor, of rural unhappiness, and of the menaces to the production of our foodstuffs. willing to take whatever is good in either plan. "I would," he says, "take and combine all that is good and excise all that is bad from both organizations." For this purpose he accepts a suggestion which has been made by Viscount Grey. "What is in my mind," he says, "is the wisdom of calling into real conference the ablest and most experienced minds of this country, from whatever walks of life they may be derived, and, without regard to party affiliation, to formulate a definite, practicable plan along the lines already indicated for the consideration of the controlling foreign powers." He does not advocate a policy of National isolation. On the contrary, he believes that by our "wiggling and wabbling America has lost her former leadership among the nations." "Steady, America!" he cries. "Let us assure good fortune to all. We may maintain our eminence as a great people at home and resume a high place in the estimate of the world." We have commented on this speech elsewhere in this issue. CORRUPTION FUNDS T is inevitable, we suppose, that there gant talk about corruption funds in every Presidential election. It seems to be one of the inalienable rights of the American democracy one day to profess that it has established the noblest and purest form of government the world has ever seen and the next day to denounce its leaders and statesmen as corruptionists of the worst type. Actual and definite corruption ought never to be winked at, but it ought to be attacked in an orderly and legal fashion. Loose and gossipy charges might well be left to the cheaper forms of partisan newspapers and soap-box spellbinders and stump speakers. Governor Cox, however, evidently does not think so. He appears to consider that one of the functions of a candidate for the most dignified and responsible elective office in the world is to make sweeping charges of corruption against his opponents. He has stated in public speeches that the Republican party is raising a fund of fifteen millions of dollars to be used to buy the votes of those who, if left to their own devices, would presumably vote the Democratic ticket. He has even gone further. He has publicly made the preposterous charge that some of this great fund is to be employed by the Republicans to suppress the rights of the laboring men by the use of the bayonet. When called upon by a Congressional Investigating Committee to substantiate these extraordinary charges, he replied that he did not feel bound to appear before the Committee, but he was perfectly willing to furnish the Committee with his leads," whatever that may mean. 66 It is true that the Republican managers have undertaken to raise a large sum of money for the necessary expenses of the campaign by pursuing the methods adopted in the Liberty Loan drives. They have assigned to every community of the country a quota which they think the Republicans of each community ought to subscribe. What the total amount of all these quotas is has not yet been made public, but it is cer tain that Governor Cox ought to have very accurate figures and incontrovert ible evidence before making any such sweeping statements as those for which he is responsible. MR. HAYS'S OFFICIAL TESTIMONY MR. R. Cox offers as evidence some matter taken from the official bulletin of the Treasurer of the Republican National Committee and a typewritten list of campaign quotas proposed for the principal cities in some twentyseven States. The matter from the official bulletin contains phrases urging the men engaged in raising the campaign fund to be energetic in their work. Some of the phrases used are of a rather commonplace type of salesmanship; but there is nothing in them indicating a corrupt purpose. The quotas total somewhat over eight million dollars. In reply, testifying before the Senate Investigating Committee, Mr. Hays, the Chairman of the Republican National Committee, declared that this list of quotas was not official, but simply listed estimates which were never adopted. He totally denied that there was any slush fund, and declared that Mr. Cox's statements were libelous. Certainly in what Mr. Cox alleged to be evidence there was nothing to substantiate his charge that there was a conspiracy to buy the Presidency or to secure an "underhold" on the Presidency. Mr. Hays not only defended the Republican campaign method, but declared, in a counter-attack, that the Democratic Administration had been using the franking privilege, which is paid for by public taxation, to promote the Democratic campaign, and he also read a letter from a liquor concern showing that the liquor interests were supporting Mr. Cox. Governor Cox is enough of a newspaper man to know that such charges as he has made would appear in the headlines of every newspaper in the country without any of the evidence pro and con, and would appeal to class passion and prejudice. He ought also to know that similar sweeping accusations made on behalf of the Presidential Democratic candidate of 1904 which could not be substantiated reacted adversely upon the Democratic ticket. It is a cheap and vulgar form of campaign, which may be effective in producing a sensation but is not effective in get ting votes from the great body of reasonable and intelligent American citizens. Senator Harding has done wisely in refusing to enter into the controversy at all, asserting that he prefers to leave such matters to judicial or Congressional investigation and to devote himself to the real. important, and arguable issues of the campaign. THE CAREER OF "TAMA JIM". JAMES WILSON, Secretary of Agricul ture in the Cabinets of Presidents McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft, has died. His parents were Scottish immigrants who settled in Connecticut in 1851 and migrated to Tama County, Ohio, in 1855. It was from this county that James Wilson got the nickname which he was himself was sixteen years old when his affectionately called "Tama Jim." He parents came to America. He began life as a farmer in 1861, served in the State Legislature of Iowa, Harris & Ewing JAMES WILSON and became Regent of the State University. Later he served in Congress and as a member of the Iowa State Railway Commission. In 1890 he became Director of the Agricultural Experimental Station and a Professor of Agriculture in the Iowa State Agricultural College, where he served until his appointment to the Cabinet in 1897. His record as a Cabinet officer is without precedent as to length of service. 66 1 Under his administration the Department of Agriculture underwent marked development. It was during his administration that a most rapid development of scientific farming occurred. While Mr. Wilson was himself by early training a real dirt farmer," there are those who felt that the Department of Agriculture in the early years of his administration laid too much emphasis upon the theory of agriculture at the expense of its practice. This, however, was a natural result of new developments in the science of farming. It took some time for the agricultural scientists to discover that other things were needed besides a book knowledge of new methods. Excellent pam phlets pointing out the method of making two blades of grass grow where one blad of grass had previously grown, or ten pestilential insects die where only one had died before, were indeed valuable but they did not produce as complete an improvement as was desired. It was found that the printed page must be supplemented by personal and tangible demonstration if scientific agriculture was to obtain a broad acceptance. Now more and more we are discover ing that even scientific methods of pro duction are in themselves insufficient. Our American farms have too often resembled factories which had excellent plants and skilled operatives, but which were handicapped by inadequate facilities for the purchase of raw materials and by sales forces very much below the required standard. Production is, after all, only one phase of efficient farming. It is a happy augury that both practical farmers and the Department of Agriculture are! coming more and more to understand this fact. Among the achievements of the De partment of Agriculture under Secretary Wilson was the introduction of new varieties of wheat and the extension of the northern frontier of the wheat belt, the encouragement of the beet sugar indus try, the discovery of a serum for hog cholera, and the centering of National attention upon the problem of tuberculosis in cattle. These were some of the specific" achievements of the Department of Ag. riculture under his administration; but it is even more to his honor that he carried the Department of Agriculture well along the difficult road towards uniting the art of farming with both science and business. THE POLISH SITUATION M ILITARY success has often proved very convenient for those who hav a just cause. At least the Poles have rea son to believe so. The patronizing atti tude of a fussy elderly relative toward young person with a burning sense of invaded rights was at least rather closely imitated by the stronger Allies-with the exception of France-in their attitude toward Poland during the days of the victory for the Russian Reds as they approached the gates of Warsaw. Non that is changed. Poland has turned th Reds out and is receiving a somewha more respectful attention from Grea Britain and Italy, if not from the Unite States. For the change in her fortune Poland has occasion to be grateful to France. The French have the gift o seeing things as they are; and they hav seen very clearly the necessity for main taining Poland as a defense against th threatened partnership between the Re and the Junker. For that reason the have backed Wrangel; for that reason they gave such military advice and assistance, particularly through the admirable leadership of the French General Weygand, as to restore the morale and the fighting power of the retreating and almost defeated Poles. It is almost impossible to believe that in the short time since Warsaw was reported actually to have fallen, the Poles have made such an advance that the front is now virtually along the line laid out by the Supreme Council of the Allies as a suitable frontier for Poland. The suggestion that the Polish army should stop along this line seems almost grotesque. How can an army stand and defend itself except behind defenses? A geographical line has no defense for an army. In modern warfare to build defenses requires barbed wire, concrete, and a great mass of other material. Unfortunately, the Polish army will not find much protection against the Reds if they stand on a line drawn on a map and depend, for a barrage, upon the advice of their friends. . The French are entirely right. If the Poles are going to obtain decent terms from the Bolsheviki, they must put the Bolsheviki in a military-position which will requires them to make concessions. The American armies in France did not stop when they came to a certain political line, but drove the Germans until there was no recourse but to surrender. Another evidence of the value of military success has been the modifications of the Bolshevist terms as they have presented themselves to the Poles in their conference at Minsk. It might be expedient for the Poles to accept even unacceptable terms; but if they do sur Meantime there has been little change in the military situation, though the fight in the military situation, though the fighting has gone on both along the northern and southern portions of the front. General Dubenny, a former Russian noncommissioned officer, has been making a drive against the Poles near Lemberg, and to the north the Red armies have resumed, at one point at least, the offensive. Reports, confirmed by statements of Kamineff, the Bolshevist Commissioner to London, indicate that the Bolsheviki are undertaking to form a new Russian army of five million men and intend to use it for overwhelming Poland. It is probable, as some despatches state, that the Lenine-Trotsky régime has lost prestige at home because of its military reverses, and it is also probable that the LenineTrotsky régime will try to recover prestige by a new military effort. An illustration of the service rendered to the Poles by their own military success and by French aid is to be seen in what has happened at Dantsic, situated where Poland's "Corridor to the Sea" SIR REGINALD TOWER sic, refused to allow the cargoes to be un loaded for fear of trouble. The arrival at the port of the French cruiser, at about the time that the Poles' military success and Sir Reginald Tower found a means became obvious, changed the situation, to allow the discharge of arms and ammunition. Poland's rights remained unchanged, but they seemed somewhat more perceptible. THE NEW STATUS OF EGYPT CCORDING to the London "Times," the Commission, headed by Viscoun Milner, recently sent to Egypt to under take preliminary studies for a constitu tion for that country, has now not only carried out its task, but has recommende that Egypt be recognized as a formall independent country. Among the detailed recommendation, reaches the coast. According to the obtained could not be landed because the German workmen in Dantsic refused to allow the cargoes to be unloaded. The Poles argued that they should have free use of the port for every purpose. Sir render it will only be because the Polish Reginald Tower, of Great Britain, who '། leaders realize that as a nation they are is head of the Allied Commission at Dant th and soldiers by Egyptian officials an soldiers; the administration of the publ debt by a mixed commission; the excl sion of the Sudan from all these arrang ments. They transform England's p Should official announcement confi nternational LORD MILNER he above, two circumstances will stand ut as having had a good deal to do with he Commission's decision. The first, of ourse, is the state of public feeling in Egypt itself. During the war outbreaks vere largely kept down by military rule, put as soon as peace was declared the campaign of the Egyptian extremists resulted in serious outbreaks and even assassination. The second is the wave of Bolshevism now threatening the Eastern Hemisphere. If Lenine and Trotsky, having listened for years to the cries from Egypt concerning alleged English oppression, think that Egypt will surely throw in her lot with the Russian proletariat, they may find that they have been checkmated. THE OLD STATUS OF EGYPT N connection with the proposed epochmaking change, both Englishmen and Egyptians may well review the history of recent years in its bearing on the present situation. A generation ago, in the interests of civilization, it became necessary for England and France, financially and economically, to administer the Egyptian government. When, however, it came o a question of armed interference to deliver Egypt from anarchy, France was unready and England performed the ask alone, standing in the capacity of rustee for creditors of her own and other Countries. offic During the forty years which have lapsed, England has accomplished in Egypt perhaps the most astounding olonial advance ever made. First, she as raised the Fellahîn-the lowest rank off the people-as well as all of the popution, not only materially but morally, all Ment ar better condition than they ever webeen in. Second, she has rehabilitated e agricultural possibilities in the Nile Valley and has transformed Egypt into one of the world's granaries. Third, she has practically stamped out both local and national maladministration. And fourth, and by no means least, she has delivered Egypt from the blight of Turkish misrule. What this has been is dramatically described in two epoch-making booksSlatin Pasha's "Fire and Sword in the Sudan" and Lord Cromer's "Egypt." After England declared war on Turkey in 1914, the Egyptian ruler, the Khedive, who happened to be in Constantinople, took the part of the Turkish Sultan and tried to draw Egypt after him. The British deposed the Khedive, conferred the title of Sultan of Egypt upon his brother, and declared Egypt a British protectorate.. Though Egypt has been nominally under British sovereignty, and the tie very slight, the final rupture with Turkey alienated some Egyptian Mohommedans who regarded the Turkish Sultan as their Khalif, or priestly leader. The other Egyptians took the change with comparative equanimity. But the Nationalist propaganda worked with increased momentum. If Great Britain can keep up as much as possible of her old support though under a new name, the Egyptian Nationalists may possibly do fairly well with their new freedom. Doubtless they intend to do well. It may take a sharp lesson, how ever, to teach them that Egypt, if left to stand completely alone, can neither protect her frontiers against external aggression nor give guaranty for a strong and impartial government at home. A CORRECTION: IT WAS GORE, NOT OWEN IN the issue of August 25, The Outlook N the issue of August 25, The Outlook referred to the defeat of Mr. Owen. in Oklahoma. This was a slip of the pen, or the type. It was Mr. Gore, not Mr. Owen, who was defeated. NO EQUITY BY SELF-TORTURE finds the Irish (C) Paul Thompson TERENCE MAC SWINEY, LORD MAYOR OF CORK crediting the authorities who have forced their confinement. Psychologists recognize a well-defined type of mind which finds, strange as it may seem, real gratification in self-torture. The field of this definition includes many conditions of men and women, ranging from neurotics whose sole topic of conversation is the suffering which they themselves have undergone, to selfmutilating religious zealots. As long as this type of mind exists there will doubtless be sentimentalists who find in self-inflicted torture the establishment of equity. Some of the militant suffragists of England who forced the authorities to release them because they attempted suicide by starvation relied upon the existence of this widespread sentimentalism, and they won out. There are many who fail to realize that their real right to release rested solely upon the question as to whether or not they were legally and justifiably imprisoned. The answer to the question, then, as to whether the British authorities will be justified in permitting the Lord Mayor of Cork to die of starvation should not GREAT BRITA W stel feat. Riots in depend in any way upon the injury which problem at white Belfast are resulting in the deaths of citizens. The County of Kerry is alive with disorder, and Terence MacSwiney, the Lord Mayor of Cork, imprisoned for a political offense, is reported to be dying of suicide by starvation. It is this last dramatic incident which has received the most widespread attention within the last few days, and which seems fraught with the greatest possibilities for future disaster. There seems to be need for clear thinking, concerning the question raised by those prisoners who inflict injury upon themselves in the hope of dis the Lord Mayor has inflicted upon himself. It should depend first of all upon whether or not he was justly imprisoned; secondly, it should depend upon the expediency of giving to Ireland another martyr. If the death of the Lord Mayor will make impossible a future solution of the Irish problem, expediency would counsel his release. If the release of the Lord Mayor would so undermine British authority that it could never again be restored even under a Home Rule government for Ireland, expediency would counsel that the Lord Mayor be per mitted to die. His death would be a |