adopted by the public officers of Brazil, which subjected our commerce to injury and insult; but the Government still preserved a conciliatory tone, and not only promised redress, but in several instances released American vessels, and acquiesced in the principles contended for by the American Chargé d'Affaires. A system of procrastination in relation to vessels detained for adjudication, was indeed adopt ed that might have justified retaliatory measures on the part of the United States; but the propriety of taking such measures depends upon the decision of Congress, which the Executive is not competent to anticipate. When a Foreign Minister determines upon leaving his post, it is generally deemed a preliminary step to more decisive measures; and if such a step is only the termination of an unsuccessful negotiation, and resorted to because remonstrances have proved fruitless, by sanction ing his departure, his own Government adopts the more energetic course, and is considered as approving of his whole conduct in the negociation. On this occasion the Government of the United States could not have done this without placing itself in the wrong, and on the other hand it could not disapprove of his departure without giving an advantage to the Brazilian Government. That Government had justly incurred the displeasure of the United States, but the time and mode of manifesting that feeling depended upon the will of Congress, and Mr. Raguet, by assuming the responsibility of making a rupture between the nations, put a stop to negociation, and placed the Government of the United States under the necessity of declaring war, or of retracing its footsteps. Fortunately Don Pedro, alarmed at the effect of Mr. Raguet's departure, took immediate measures to prevent any further misunderstanding, and despatched a special messenger to the United States, with assurances of indemnity for all illegal captures, and prompt redress for any injuries sustained from his measures by the citizens of the United States. This satisfied the President, and the diplomatic intercourse between the two Governments was renewed. The celebrated Congress of Pa nama, of whose origin an account was given in the last volume, had its first meeting in the month of June of 1826, and after concluding a treaty of friendship and perpetual confederation between the belligerent parties, the deputies adjourned, to meet at Tacubaya, a pleasant village near the city of Mexico the ensuing February. The domestic opposition which was made to the appointment of the ministers of the United States, prevented any representation of this country in that Congress at its first sitting, and almost as a necessary consequence, no subjects excepting those immediately affecting the belligerents were taken into consideration. The Ministers nominated by the President, were at length appointed; but one of them, Mr. Anderson, died on his way to Panama, and Mr. Poinsett, the residing Minister at Mexico, was appointed in his place. Mr. Sergeant his colleague repaired to Mexico, to be present when the Congress should reassemble at Tacubaya. The Congress did not assemble, however, at the appointed time, and there being no prospect of another session at any specified period, Mr Sergeant returned to the United States. The causes of this unexpected issue of a measure, which promised in its commencement to do so much to meliorate the condition of mankind, by diminishing the causes as well as the evils of war, are not yet fully ascertained. There is, however, every reason to believe, that they are connected with the internal commotions of Colombia and Peru, and the universal apprehension existing in South America of the ambitious designs of Bolivar. If the Representatives of the United States could have been present during the session at Panama, it is probable that a declaration would have been promulgated expressing the sentiments of the American powers on the disputed principles of national law, which were originally contemplated to form part of the subject-matter of its deliberations. In their absence, however, it was not deemed adviseable to consider those topics, and an opportunity was thus omitted of mitigating the ancient rigour of the laws of war, and of enforcing the liberal principles maintained by the government of the United States, which may not be again speedily presented. CHAPTER II. Organization of the Opposition-Sectional Character-Machinery of Party-Exceptions to First Message of Mr. Adams-Nomination of Gen. Jackson-His Address to Legislature of Tennessee-Principles of Opposition-Materials of Opposition-Charge of Corruption against the Administration-Gen. Jackson's Letter to the Public-Mr. Clay's Answer-Gen. Jackson's Reply-Refutatim of Charge-Executive Patronage-Internal Improvement-Manufactures-Commerce-Indian Affairs. THE opposition to the administration of Mr. Adams, which had manifested itself, even previous to any developement of his views as to the foreign and domestic policy of the government, now as sumed a more consistent shape.The discussions on the various subjects recommended by the executive to the consideration of congress in his first message, elicited opinions, and the collisions at the fall elections of 1826, had created in various parts of the country domestic parties, having in view the support or the overthrow of the administration. In their incipient state, these parties were of a geographical character, with the exception of the states of Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and Louisiana, which, by the operation of peculiar causes, were detached from the parties, with which they were connected by position. In the nineteenth congress, it was accordingly found, that on all questions of a party nature, or which might directly or indirectly affect the administration in public opinion, the representatives from the Southern states, together with those from Pennsylvania, took opposite sides to those from the northern and western states. The political characteristics of this party, or the grounds upon which it justified its opposition to the administration, were not at once developed. Reasons were given for not assenting to certain measures, which were recommended by the executive; but unqualified opposition was disclaim ed, except by those who professed to believe in the alleged bargain between the President and the Secretary of State. These did not hesitate to declare their determina. tion to put down the administration at all hazards; but others, and especially certain of the senators from states, where the friends of the administration were in the majority, reserved their opinions as to their ultimate course, declared that they would judge of it by its measures, did not rank themselves with its unqualified opponents, and thus lulled the suspicions of its friends, until after their re-election to the senate. An opposition majority having been secured in that body, the opinions and principles of the party were now promulgated in their speeches, both in congress and in the primary assemblies, with the view of operating upon the population of those states, which were removed from the sphere of sectional prejudices. The Panama mission afforded an opportunity to commence an attack upon the administration, as having departed from the safe and cautious policy of the United States with regard to foreign nations; and frequent appeals were made to the Father of his country, for the purpose of showing that an acceptance of the invitation of the South American republics to be present at that congress, was pregnant with all the evils to be dreaded from entangling alliances, with foreign powers. The American people, however, did not respond to these appeals. They readily distinguished between the ambitious policy of making their country the arbiter of other nations; and the timid policy of ignorant and barbarous countries, which, detaching themselves from the rest of the world, are inattentive to the great movements that are taking place beyond their own borders, and, by heedlessness or negligence, permit more sagacious governments to appropriate the advantages, which are within the reach of all who are awake to their own interests. In the choice of other topics of politi cal discussion, the opposition was more successful. During the long and peaceful administration of Mr. Monroe, the public mind had been unusually tranquil. The bitterness of party spirit had subsided, and the leaders of the conflicting parties into which the nation had been divided, forgetting their past differences, were often seen harmoniously co-operating to advance the general interests. who had in former times been stimulated by an active political zeal, now remembered they were politicians, only when they were called upon to act as electors, and amalgamated almost into one mass the American people, with an unparal The citizens, leled unanimity, approved of the policy of the federal government. This satisfaction with the conduct of their rulers, unfortunately manifested itself in too great an indiffer. ence towards public concerns, and the electors did not scrupulously examine the conduct of their representatives, nor nicely canvass their pretensions to popular favour, so long as the measures of the government did not come into collision with their private pursuits. In consequence of this indifference, a class of mere politicians appeared in public life; who were indebted for their success to the absence of all powerful excitement, and of those strong motives which call into the service of the nation men of commanding talents. The machinery and organization of parties, which, in the heat of the political conflict, have the effect of concentrating the suffrages of the electors upon candidates selected when there exists no indifference as to success, now promoted the views of men, who owed their advancement solely to a pliancy of principle and a ready subservience to the will of others. In this state of things, it was easy to produce a factitious political sen. timent in legislative bodies, very different from the deliberate opinion of the community. The yeomanry of the country, and the industrious inhabitants of the towns and cities, reluctantly yield their attention to intricate political questions, and are slow to form an independent judgment as to conflicting opinions, especially when parties are in an embryo state. It is not, however, so difficult to gain the attention of those who are jealous of power, and who drink with a thirsty ear all reports derogatory to those who administer the government. This jealousy, although praiseworthy in itself, may be carried to excess, and when it loses its power of dis. crimination, it is ready to confound liberal expenditure for what is necessary with extravagance, and to charge the accidents and misad. ventures to which all human af fairs are subject, and from which the complicated concerns of government are not exempt, upon the incapacity or negligence of those who administer it. With the view of enlisting the prejudices of this class against the administration, charges of extravagance were freely made against those now at the head of the government; resolutions were introduced into congress, insinuating rather than asserting, that the patronage of the executive was too great; and it was proposed to vest such checks upon it in the legislative branch of the government, as in effect to confer the appointing pow. er upon that department. ordinary and established expenditures of the government, were examined with new and unexampled The |