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XI. 1778.

CHAPTER taining a new project by him submitted to Parliament for settling the differences between Great Britain and the United States. This movement was prompted by the apprehension, that France would soon acknowledge the independence of the latter, and join in the war against England. Governor Tryon, to whom the draft of the bills was sent, had it immediately reprinted in New York, and took measures to disperse copies of it as extensively as possible in the country, which, he said, was done in obedience to "his Majesty's command." Copies were enclosed by him to General Washington, with a polite request that he would aid in circulating them, "that the people at large might be acquainted with the favorable disposition of Great Britain towards the American colonies." Washington sent them to Congress.

Terms of conciliation not acceptable.

As to the tenor of the bills, it is enough to say, that the terms held out were such as would undoubtedly have been accepted in the first stages of the controversy. Important changes had since occurred. The Americans had declared themselves an independent nation. They had shed their blood, expended their means, and endured the miseries of a three years' war, in defence of the rights they claimed, and the character they had assumed. It was no part of the British ministry's plan to treat with the American States as an independent power. They were to go back to their old condition as colonies, be favored with certain privileges, and, relieved from the burden of self-government, to trust their liberties again to the parental guardianship of the mother country. Till the remembrance of the past should be obliterated, these proffers were not likely to gain the confidence or change the sentiments of those, who had taken the lead in opposition after a thorough knowledge of the causes, and of the grounds on which they stood, and who had already risked much and labored hard to secure the political existence and prosperity of their country, by establishing them on the firm basis of union and freedom.

Yet it was feared there were some, who, weary of the

XI.

disapproves

the concilia

tory bills,

and they are

rejected by

Congress.

war, or disheartened at the prospect of its continuance, CHAPTER might be soothed with the voice of conciliation, and thus become cold supporters of the popular cause, if not de- 1778. cided advocates for peace on the terms proposed. To washington prevent this consequence, as far as the weight of his judgment would go, Washington expressed his own opinions in very decided language to a member of Congress only two days after he learned the contents of the conciliatory bills. "Nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. A peace on other terms would, if I may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. The injuries we have received from the British nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the animosities, that would ever attend a union with them; besides the importance, the advantages, which we should derive from an unrestricted commerce; our fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our character as men, are opposed to a coalition with them as subjects, but in case of the last extremity. Were we easily to accede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon future occasions, let the oppressions of Britain be ever so flagrant and unjust, would interpose for our relief; or, at most, they would do it with a cautious reluctance, and upon conditions most probably that would be hard, if not dishonorable to us." Fortunately, the subject appeared in the same light to Congress. As soon as the drafts of Lord North's bills were received, they were referred to a committee; upon whose report a short discussion ensued; and it was unanimously resolved, that the terms offered were totally inadequate, and that no advances on the part of the British government for a peace would be met, unless, as a preliminary step, they either withdrew their armies and fleets, or acknowledged unequivocally the independence of the United States. At the same time the bills were published in connexion with the proceedings of Congress, and circulated throughout the country.

The three commissioners, Lord Carlisle, Governor John

April 22.

XI. 1778.

missioners.

CHAPTER stone, and William Eden, sent over from England to negotiate the business of conciliation, did not arrive in Philadelphia till six weeks after the drafts of the bills British com- were published by Governor Tryon. Two of the commissioners, Johnstone and Eden, were the bearers of private letters of introduction to General Washington from his friends in England, and also of many other letters to gentlemen of high political standing. To all appearance the olive branch was fairly held out. The secretary to the commission was Dr. Ferguson, the celebrated professor of moral philosophy in Edinburgh. On the first landing of the commissioners, they despatched their letters to Washington's camp, and requested a passport for Dr. Ferguson to go to Yorktown, where Congress was then sitting, and present in person the papers they had brought. This matter being wholly of a civil nature, he did not think himself authorized to give such a passport, without the direction of Congress, and he forwarded to them the application. Impatient at the delay, or fearing a positive refusal from Congress to receive the papers, the commissioners immediately sent them through the usual medium of a flag to the President. The reception they met with may be imagined from the manner in which Lord North's bills had been disposed of. The door to any kind of compromise on the principles laid down in those bills had been effectually closed, and Congress adhered to their first resolution. The commissioners remained several months

Mr. Adolphus, in his History of England, (Vol. III. 4th ed. p. 89) says, "Application was made to General Washington for a passport for Dr. Ferguson, to convey overtures to Congress, but this favor was harshly refused, and the letters of the commissioners forwarded by the common military posts." And then he speaks of the "wanton insolence of this proceeding." Such coarseness of language and illiberality of sentiment would seem unworthy of notice, if they were not from a respectable source. In truth the passport was not refused, but General Washington thought it not consistent with his duty to grant it, without the previous approbation of Congress. Before an answer could possibly be received, the commissioners sent out their despatches by a flag, unaccompanied by their secretary. It is needless to say, that

XI.

1778.

in the country, made various attempts to gain their object, CHAPTER as well by art and address as by official intercourse, and at last went back to England baffled and disappointed, if indeed they ever had any real hope of success, which may be doubted.

Meantime an important event occurred, which diffused universal joy in America. The King of France recognised the independence of the United States in a formal treaty of amity and commerce, and in a treaty of defensive alliance, both signed in Paris on the 6th of February, by M. Gérard on the part of France, and by the American commissioners, Franklin, Deane, and Lee. It was of course expected, that this procedure would bring on a war between England and France, and the parties mutually agreed not to lay down their arms till the independence of the United States should be assured by a treaty at the termination of the war. The messenger, who brought the news of this auspicious event, and who was likewise the bearer of the treaties, arrived in Yorktown on the 2d of May, ten days after Congress had passed their resolves respecting Lord North's bills. This last fact is worthy of remark, as it shows that the transactions in France, being then unknown, had no influence in producing those resolves. The treaties were immediately ratified by Congress.

The army participated in the rejoicings everywhere manifested on this occasion. A day was set apart for a public celebration in camp. It began in the morning with religious services, and a discourse to each of the brigades by one of its chaplains. Then followed military parades, marchings, and firings of cannon and musketry, according to a plan announced in the general orders. The appearwas brilliant and the effect imposing. The whole

this writer is astonished at the blindness and obstinacy of the Americans, in not acceding to the terms of the commissioners, which, in his opinion, "proffered more real freedom, than, under all circumstances, could be expected to flow from an acquiescence in their unsupported independence."

France re

Treaty with ceived by

Congress.

May 2.

Rejoicings the ratifica

in camp on

tion of the

treaty.

May 6.

XI.

CHAPTER ceremony was conducted with perfect regularity, and was closed with an entertainment, patriotic toasts, music, and other demonstrations of joy.

1778.

British hold possession

phia.

The British kept possession of Philadelphia through the of Philadel Winter and the spring following; and, although Washington's camp was within twenty miles of the city, yet no enterprise was undertaken to molest him in his quarters. Foraging parties went out and committed depredations upon the inhabitants; but they were watched by the Americans, who sometimes met them in fierce and bloody rencounters. When it was told to Dr. Franklin in Paris, that General Howe had taken Philadelphia, he sagaciously replied; "Say rather, that Philadelphia has taken General Howe." This prediction, if such it may be called, was verified in the end. The conquest gained at the expense of a campaign, and with a considerable loss of men, actually availed nothing. Philadelphia, fortified on the land side and guarded by a formidable fleet in the river, afforded to the British army a resting-place for eight months. This was the whole fruit of the bloodshed and victory. New York would have afforded the same, without the trouble of a campaign, and at much less cost.

Strength of

the two armies.

The number of troops for the Continental army, according to the new establishment agreed upon by the committee of Congress at Valley Forge, was to be about forty thousand besides artillery and horse. When a council of war was called, on the 8th of May, to consider what measures should be adopted for future operations, it was found, that the army, including the detachments on the North River and at other places, did not then exceed fifteen thousand men, nor was it supposed that it could soon be raised higher than twenty thousand effective men. The number at Valley Forge was eleven thousand eight hundred. The British army in New York and Philadelphia, as since ascertained from the adjutant's returns, amounted to nearly thirty thousand, of which number nineteen thousand five hundred were in Philadelphia, and ten thousand four hundred in New York. There

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