revolt from Spain. The President in his message to the present Congress dwelt largely on this question of recognition, and formulated what has ever since been accepted as "the Monroe Doctrine." It announced the principle of (1)“ No interference in wars of European powers in matters relating to themselves." (2) Defense of our own political system against any attempt of foreign powers to establish theirs in any part of this hemisphere. (3) No interference with existing foreign colonies. (4) Interference by foreign powers with colonial dependencies that have declared and maintained their independence, and been recognized by this government, to be regarded as an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. (5) "It is the true policy of the government to leave the parties (Spain and the revolting Republics) to themselves, in the hope that other powers will do the same," this, since "Spain cannot subdue them," and since, if left alone, they would never voluntarily adopt a foreign political system.

TARIFF OF 1824.-In the same message Monroe inclined to the popular side on matters of Protection and Internal Improvement. He was a good President in that he was observant of situations and respected majority wishes. Two months were consumed in heated debate on this measure, which, while the rates on leading articles were not as high as under the act of 1812, involved more directly the principle of protection to American manufactures, by preventing the competition of the cheaper manufactures of Europe, than any preceding act. Lines were drawn closely between the liberal and strict schools of interpreters of the Constitution, and, strange to say, these lines now showed quite a solid array of Southern States* against as solid an array of Northern States. The former supplemented their old argument against the Constitutionality of the Protective idea, by the new ones that it was unjust to them, and, moreover, sectional in spirit. Thus early they projected into the contention the thought that legislative protection to manufacturing industry was legislative hardship to planting industry, and that encouragement of free paid labor was discouragement of slave unpaid labor. The bill passed by a close vote, a few of its

* Clay's own State Kentucky, was for the bill.

ablest opponents, as Webster, coming from the New England States. These, however, chiefly contested the propriety of high protective duties and not the Constitutional right to impose them, denying that the distress of the country was as great as described by the friends of the bill, and doubting if any legislation could be made to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. The bill was approved by the President and thoroughly engrafted "The American System" in our national politics. The duties on leading articles were: Sugar, 3 cents per pound; coffee, 5 cents per pound; tea, 25 cents per pound; salt (bulk), 20 cents per pound; pig iron, 20 per cent.; bar iron, $30 per ton; manufactures of glass, 30 per cent. and 3 cents per pound; manufactures of cotton, 25 per cent.; manufactures of woollens, 30 per cent.; silk, 25 per cent. It was followed by another bill involving the same liberal views, which provided for surveys of routes upon which to base a system of national canals. Congress adjourned, May 27, 1824.

The

ELECTION OF 1824.-In the last Presidential election the Republican party had no opposition, but it had a head. Now it furnished its own opposition, being without a head. contest began during the session of the previous Congress by bids for popular favor, expediency measures and votes, and outlines for a future which would be less gloomy than the then present.

An attempt to revive the obsolete Congressional caucus nominations, in the interest of Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., failed. A Constitutional amendment had been mooted to choose electors by popular vote. The campaign became historic as "the scrub race for the Presidency." The liberal school of Republicans supported Henry Clay, Ky., and John Quincy Adams. The strict school supported Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., and Andrew Jackson, Tenn. John C. Calhoun, S. C., had a general support for the Vice-Presidency and was elected. None of the candidates for the Presidency received a majority of "the whole number" of electoral votes, though Jackson had the most. The election therefore went into the House of Representatives.

EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS-Second Session.-Met Dec.

*

6, 1824. This session saw the disruption of the Republican party, and the dawn of the Whig party. Its only political work was the counting of the electoral vote and the subsequent election of a President. The count showed 99 for Jackson; 84 for John Quincy Adams; 41 for Wm. H. Crawford; 37 for Henry Clay. For Vice-President, Calhoun had 182 votes, as against 78 scattering. He was, therefore, declared Vice-President. In the contest over the Presidency in the House, Clay, who was out of the fight, threw his strength, or as much of it as he could control, to Adams, which gave him 13 States, as against 7 for Jackson and 4 for Crawford. Though the election of Adams was perfectly regular and constitutional, it forced the liberal and strict schools of interpreters wide apart, and the latter, carrying their fight to the country in the shape of a rebuke to those Representatives who had slaughtered Jackson, soon had the vantage ground. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1825. The President and Vice-President elect were sworn into office, March 4, 1825.

X.

JOHN Q. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.

March 4, 1825-March 3, 1829.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, MASS., Fresident. JOHN C. CALHOUN, S. C., Vice-President.

NINETEENTH CONGRESS. {1, December 5, 1825-May 22, 1826.

2, December 4, 1826-March 3, 1827.

TWENTIETH CONGRESS.

1, December 3, 1827-May 26, 1828.
2, December 1, 1828-March 3, 1829.

* In such contests the three candidates having the highest number of votes are the only candidates before the House, and in voting each State shall have only one