into Mexican territory. Now American blood had been shed on American soil, and Mexico was an offender. A casus belli had been found. The President sent a Message to Congress and asked for a Declaration of War. The House responded with a "declaration" and $10,000,000 to back it up, the Whigs favoring it under protest, and on the ground that an American army must not be sacrificed, even if forced into peril or a doubtful cause by the folly of a President.*

WILMOT PROVISO.-With the expectation that the war would soon be over and that an important cession of territory could be had, the President asked Congress for an appropriation of $2,000,000 to be placed at his disposal to negotiate with. To this appropriation, Mr. Wilmot, Pa., on behalf of himself and many Northern Democratic friends, moved what became historic as The Wilmot Proviso," to wit, "That no part of the territory thus acquired should be open to the introduction of slavery." In strict law the proviso was unnecessary, for Mexico had abolished slavery, and any soil acquired from her would be free soil. But Texas had reintroduced slavery before annexation to the United States, and Wilmot felt that any other territory acquired from Mexico would be overrun by slaveholders, who would soon be clamoring for the protection of their institution. And this he felt, too, in the face of the new Democratic doctrine "that no power resided in Congress to legislate upon slavery in the Territories." This proviso brought heated discussion of the slave question. Calhoun declared it to be an outrage and menace. It occupied a place in Congress for two sessions. State Legislatures acted on it. Parties took it up. From that time on it

*The Whigs denounced as a falsehood the declaration, "Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that government and the United States." The Liberty party opposed the war outright, regarding it as a huge, unjustifiable scheme to acquire slave territory. Calhoun opposed it also, as needless. He felt that the same results could have been brought about with less excitement and loss, and consequently with less detriment to the slave cause, by negotiation. It was said that the President, who had been approached by many members of his own party who were averse to the war, secured their support by the promise that it would be over in a short time and that negotiations for peace had been agreed upon before the war, which only awaited the return of Santa Anna from exile to be signed.

was nothing new to hear of civil war and a dissolution of the Union on account of it. How well Wilmot guessed may be inferred from the subsequent action of Calhoun (Feb. 19, 1847), when he introduced into the Senate his celebrated Slavery Resolutions, declaring the Territories to be the common property of the several States, and denying the right of Congress to prohibit slavery in a Territory or to pass any law which would have the effect to deprive the citizen of any slave State from migrating with his property (slaves) into such Territory. Though these resolutions were not acted on, they answered the purpose intended, to wit, to form a basis on which the slave could solidify against the free States; on which a repeal of the Missouri Compromise line could be effected, and on which the subsequent claim of non-interference with slavery in the Territories could be founded.

THE OREGON BOUNDARY-The last Democratic platform had pronounced in favor of an Oregon Territory up to the line of 54° 40', "or a fight" with England. The Whigs, now that Texas had been annexed, asked for a fulfilment of their pledges.* The Democrats of the extreme Southern school opposed any action, but enough of them came to the support of the President to warrant him in going on with negotiations. He soon found that he could not keep his party pledges of 54° 40′, for England refused to surrender above 49°. The opinion of the Senate was asked, in accordance with an old Federal custom. The Whigs accepted the responsibility, joined with enough Democrats to save the administration from its party friends, and agreed to sanction a treaty based on 49°. This became the Oregon Treaty of June 15, 1846, by which war with England was averted. It was followed by a bill to organize The Territory of Oregon, without slavery. It was opposed by Southern Democrats, but passed, and was not reached in the Senate.

TARIFF OF 1846.1--This disappointing act, passed in a

* For a full statement of this boundary trouble, see Oregon Treaty, p. 94. Calhoun, when Secretary of State, had proposed 49° as a line upon which an adjustment might be had. In this he was at odds with his party.

"The bill passed the House and came to the Senate.

Section was again arrayed

partisan spirit, against the promises of the Democrats not to disturb the act of 1842, and in obedience to the doctrine of rigid interpretation, which admitted of Tariff for revenue without the incident of protection, reduced the rates provided in the former act, from five to twenty per cent., and introduced the theory of general ad valorem duties. The river and harbor improvement bills, passed by both Houses, were vetoed, on the old rigid construction ground that the government had no right to appropriate money for internal improvements. Congress adjourned, Aug. 10, 1846.

TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS-Second Session.-Met Dec. 7, 1846. Mexican war measures occupied the time of this session. Appropriations were made to sustain the war, and purchase territory. Over the latter a spirited debate was had, which resulted in its passage in the House with the Wilmot proviso attached, and its passage in the Senate with the proviso removed. The House then acquiesced in the Senate's position. Ineffectual attempts were made to formally extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, to organize Oregon Territory, without slavery, and to appropriate money for Internal Improvement. All these measures showed a sectional vote. The Improvement bills passed, but received a pocket veto. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1847.

THIRTIETH CONGRESS-First Session.-Met Dec. 6, 1847. The Whigs were in a majority in the House, and organized it by electing Robert C. Winthrop, Mass., Speaker. The Democrats controlled the Senate. The President's message extolled the working of the new Sub-Treasury system, spoke of

against section in the debate, and before the vote was taken it was found that the Senate was a tie, and that the Vice President would have the casting vote. George M. Dallas, a Pennsylvanian, could defeat or pass the bill. He had the presidential bee in his bonnet as bad as any man I ever knew, and, hoping that he could gain the favor of the South in aid of his aspirations, he gave the casting vote against the section of his nativity, and the tariff bill of '46 became a law. As I anticipated, it put out the fire in our furnaces, paralyzed many of our best industries, and, finally, brought the credit of the Government to a discount. It also had a disastrous effect upon the dominant party, and cost them the presidency in 1848, when General Taylor was chosen."-Hon. Simon Cameron, in Press.

the continued success of the Mexican war, and stated that negotiations for peace were then pending. These negotiations resulted in the treaty of Guadaloupe-Hidalgo (Feb., 1848), which made the Rio Grande the boundary and gave New Mexico and Upper California to the United States for $15,000,000. This immense acquisition of territory brought up the slavery question again, and during the debates on the erection of Oregon Territory without slavery, and the proposition to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, Calhoun took occasion to say, "The great strife between the North and South is ended. The North is determined to exclude the property of slaveholders, and of course slaveholders themselves, from its territory. The separation of the North and South is completed. The South is bound to show that dearly as she prizes the Union, there are questions she regards as of more importance than the Union. It is not a question of territorial government, but a question involving the continuance of the Union."

A compromise bill passed the Senate, organizing Oregon, California and New Mexico, leaving slavery questions to be decided by the Supreme Court. The House rejected this, and sent the Senate the Oregon bill above mentioned. The Senate accepted this, but amended it so as to extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific. The House regarded this as dangerous, since it would cut the country into two distinct sections with different, if not hostile, institutions, and would, moreover, be equivalent to extending slavery to vast free areas, the Mexican territory being all free under Mexican laws. It therefore refused to extend the line. The Senate receded, and the Oregon bill passed, without slavery. The vital question in all these debates was the right of Congress to legislate on slavery in the Territories, a question which was pushed in many ways till it culminated in the Kansas-Nebraska affair, the Dred Scott decision, and the desperate step of secession. The House took decided ground in favor of Internal Improvement by a resolution aimed at the rigid interpreters, claiming that the government had a right to improve rivers and harbors, under the clause to regulate commerce and provide for the common defense. Wisconsin

entered the Union, May 29, 1848. Congress adjourned, Aug. 14, 1848.

ELECTION OF 1848.-The Democrats took the field first in National Convention at Baltimore, May 22, 1848. The twothird rule, which defeated Van, Buren in the previous convention, was affirmed, and has since prevailed in the conventions of that party. Lewis Cass, Mich., was nominated for President, and William O. Butler, Ky., for Vice-President. A great contention arose over the power of the government to regulate slavery in the Territories, and a test resolution to the effect that the Congress had no power to interfere with slavery either in the States or Territories was voted down. The platform affirmed that of 1844, and went on to (1) congratulate the country on the results of the Mexican war; (2) commended the qualified veto; (3) denounced a Tariff, except for revenue, and hailed "the noble impulse given to the cause of free trade by the repeal of the tariff of 1842 and the creation of the more equal, honest and productive tariff of 1846;" (4) congratulated the Republic of France; (5) endorsed Polk's administration.

The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 7, 1848, and nominated General Zachary Taylor, La., for President, and Millard Fillmore, N. Y., for Vice-President. Taylor's recent military achievements in Mexico gave him the preference over such other candidates as Clay, Webster and Scott. Test resolutions favoring the Wilmot Proviso were voted down. The Whigs were no more ready for open commitment to anti-slavery than the Democrats had shown themselves, in their convention, to be ready for open commitment to a pro-slavery policy. The convention did not adopt a platform, but resolutions passed at a grand ratification meeting, on the 9th of June, answered the same purpose. They were mainly heroic, inviting the country to a trial of well-known Whig principles under the laurelcrowned chieftain whose name was held in such high honor by every American.

The Free Soil Democrats met in convention at Buffalo, Aug. 9, 1848, and nominated for President Martin Van Buren, N. Y., and for Vice-President Charles Francis Adams, Mass. This faction