Young ladies should require of a gentlemen who seeks an introduction to them, first, that he be a man of moral worth, second, a man of mind, third, of good social qualities, and let his wealth be an accidental and not essential element of his good character.

R. S. D.

Electioneering.

There is nothing connected with our Alma Mater, of which we as students of Yale should be more proud, than of its two literary societies, the Brothers in Unity, and Linonia. Their history is full of interest. Minds that have enlarged the sphere of human knowledge and moulded the sentiments of communities, have first been disciplined in their literary exercises. Voices that have guided the councils of the nation, and inspired the hearts of the people, have first echoed in their halls. Passing from class to class, gathering with each year new memories and wider fame, they have come down to us clothed with the affections of thousands, and the veneration which an existence of a century must inspire. We might imagine that the history and associations of these societies would be sufficient to excite an interest in them even if the opportunities which they present failed to do it.

Moreover, each society at present has over two hundred members; their halls surpass in beauty and fitness any in this country, and probably in the world; and we are students in a college where the course affords better instruction in elocution and composition than any in the land. What the condition of these societies should be we leave to be inferred; we will merely give the results of careful observations made by members of both societies for the past year. The average of the greatest number present at any one time in the common meetings for debate has not been over 30; the average attendance on all the meetings not over 60. Our debates are sometimes spirited and instructive, still there is never that interest awakened which the presence of 150 at each meeting would excite. Every candid man will say that the societies are not what they should be.

In view of this stagnant condition of our debates, the question is forced upon us, What is its cause? Various reasons are given. Some will say it is the Prize Debates, some Class Societies; some one thing, and some another. There is one thing which manifestly tends to

depress our debates and eat out the life of the societies; and that is, our present system of electioneering Freshmen. What this system is, we all know. Under the excitement of the campaign, meetings are held morning, noon and night, wherein, after the manner of the wolf in the fable, we spend hour after hour in extolling the merits of our ancestors. If there is a sub-Freshman in the hall, the applause to these speeches is tremendous. The process through which a Freshman is obliged to go beggars description. Most of the readers of the Lit. know what it is by experience, and therefore will be ready to sustain the following charges against the system which makes it necessary.

Our present system of electioneering diverts each society from its proper exercises, for one-fourth of each year. It makes a victory of numbers the great end and only end of the societies, and the excitement produced by this idea paralyses the societies for the remaining three-fourths of each year. Hundreds of dollars are spent in each campaign, which might be saved or given to the libraries. The amount of time spent in electioneering may be incredible. It is not too much to say that on an average, every man who is at all interested in a campaign, throws away a whole week of time in laying plans, comparing statistics, and electioneering. The work which the Sophomores perform is as hard for them as it is disagreeable to the Fresh

men.

The present system makes impertinence and rudness a necessary accompaniment of success. If in reply to the question" Are you coming to college? you hear "None of your business," you cannot complain, and though you may answer "I asked, because, if you were coming, I intended to leave," it is enough to dampen, the enthusiasm of any one, and make him "feel decidedly small." Finally, this system has turned the statement of facts into a mere farce. Since no one can be influenced by the simple truth, the strife between the orators, is to make the most fun by the most absurd perversion of facts.

But the greatest objection, is the unfairness, the duplicity, and downright lying, to which this system offers so great an inducement as the best means of accomplishing its ends. We know that many are induced to join societies, when they have heard but one side, which is unfair. We know that misrepresentation, which is very easy to be made, is as common as it is easy. We know that unmitigated falsehoods are told which bring charges of classmates against classmates, producing alienation and sometimes bitter enmity.

These charges, from the very nature of the case, are not to be established by argument; but the testimony of every candid reader who has seen and been through an electioneering campaign, will confirm all that has been said. The next question, then, is, Can this state of things be remedied? Many acknowledge the need of a remedy, but make no effort to obtain it, with the plea that it is an impossibility. Why it should be considered impossible for the two societies to agree to abolish electioneering, is not evident in the least. It could be carried out in different ways; but to show the feasibility of abolishing the whole system, suppose that the two societies agree to admit no members from the coming Freshman class, till after the statement of facts. This is certainly practicable. No one supposes that a whole society would openly receive a member, under such an agreement. Futhermore, let each society agree, that no attempt shall be made to pledge Freshmen for either society.

In such a case, undoubtedly, opportunities would be given for dishonorable, unprincipled men, secretly to electioneer and to pledge persons for their respective societies. But for the honor of Yale we are not willing to believe that such cases would be of frequent occurrence. And a powerful check could be laid on the tendency to violate such an agreement, by requiring the presidents of both societies to announce these contracts of the societies at the statement of facts, and to proclaim that if any are pledged to either society, their pledges are unlawful, and consequently they are released from them. The effect of this would be to turn those that are pledged for one society to the other, or at least, will leave them wholly unbiased.

These three agreements, which are eminently practicable, would bring the Freshman free and untrammelled to the statement of facts, where under such a condition of affairs, they would hear that which would enable to decide fairly on the merit of the two societies. Every one would hear both sides before joining either. Gobbling would be an impossibility. The Freshman would not be bored. Money and time would be saved. And everything which the present system effects would be effected, but in a decent, fair and orderly manner.

We do not propose that the societies should agree that "no electioneering should be done; " for there could not in such a case be a definite understanding as to what is, and what is not electioneering.

The mere mention of one's society in the presence of a Freshman, might be construed by the opposite party into an attempt to prejudice his mind, and every individual deciding for himself, that since the con

tract, had been broken on one side he was set free, there would be an im

mediate return to the old system, each society accusing the other of* first breaking the pledge. But if the societies enter into an agreement clear, definite, and unmistakable, that no one shall be permitted to join or be pledged to either society till after statement of facts, nothing but a real desire and purpose to break their faith could be given as a reason for pledging a man in advance. No misunderstanding could be offered as an excuse; no sophistry could cover their treachery. This plan, as will be seen, permits electioneering so far as possible without an attempt to pledge. If all electioneering could be stopped till statement of facts, well and good. But is this possible, when Freshmen ask concerning the societies, wish to attend your meetings, see your hall, and even ask, as many will, "Which is the better society?" Your answers to their questions will be called electioneering. It is precisely this which the proposed plan will allow and thus prevent crimination and recrimination.

It may be urged in favor of the present system that it begets an interest in the meetings of the societies which is the only thing that will keep them alive. Under the proposed system the societies would be left as free to have electioneering meetings as ever. But since there would then be no need of electioneering the Freshman, it would not be neccessary to raise the unhealthy excitement produced by campaign meetings, which alone (aside from ambition) enables men to go through the hard, disagreable labor of a campaign. Are we then to have no meetings during the summer term? Certainly! and meetings which would be promotive of the original purpose of the societies, that would be devoted to debates and the regular exercises of the society. Why should not the ten meetings, now occupied for campaign purposes, be devoted to literary improvement? If one half of the work and enthusiasm exhibited in a campaign were thrown into debates, our meetings would be attractive on account of intrinsic worth alone. And as the Freshman, from time to time, would witness the meetings in large numbers, the personal interest of the officers would lead them to exert themselves in procuring good debates, as they do now for a spirited campaign. Such debates and literary exercises, with an occasional campaign speech, would not only make our meetings far more instructive and interesting to members of the society than a continual run of funny speeches on David Humphreys and William Wickham, but of more powerful influence over those Freshmen who may be present.

Under our present system, the best electioneerer is considered the

1

best promoter of the interests of the society. And therefore the offices of honor and responsibility are generally given to the best electioneerers-though sometimes nominations seem to be made on the principle that the man who does least for a society deserves the highest honors. This premium on electioneering explains the hard work through which many men will go in every campaign. With the proposed plan there will be no premium on electioneering, but on that which is best obtained by attendance on, and participation in, the exercises of the societies. Thus the ambition of individuals will be made to serve not only their own interest but the good of the society. And, therefore, all the evils of the present system of electioneering could be obviated by some such system as has been proposed, while its benefit, if it has any, could be preserved.

With regard to the feasibility of this change we may be referred to the attempt made two years ago by one society to adopt a similar plan. It was rejected then; but it must be remembered that it was proposed in the middle of a campaign, when it was perfectly evident from the condition of affairs, that the society to which it was proposed surrendered, by acceptance, a strong advantage. At present, however, the number of men in each society in the working class, the class of '62, is equal, and this plan can be adopted, if it is thought best, before the initiatory steps of the coming campaign. We understand the subject is to be bought up in both societies on the Wednesday evening after the general election.

The evils of the present system are many. A change may be for the better. The subject deserves the thought of every well-wisher to the literary societies of Yale College.

W. C. J.

Haughty-crat of the Breakfast Table.

EVERY MAN HIS OWN BOARDER.

I board myself. I like it, and I'll tell you why.

In the first place, I have a great respect for every thing German, and German students board themselves. To be sure, I do not study as much, nor in the same manner as they do, but that does not prevent me from eating as much, and in the same way, as they. Then again, if an M.C. elect gives a treat, or I am present at a society supper, my peculiar diet enables me at that time, to compliment the liberality of the host, or the skill of the caterer, by the extent of my appetite.