system of Prussia. Further, a concise criminal code was drawn up—not free, however, from defects — modelled on the principles of French and Austrian law. The members of the Diet showed an admirable temper; although abundant cause for recriminations was given, not only by Novosiltsoff, in his role of informer and supervisor, but still more by the Grand Duke Constantine himself, who had, in 1816, by his unconstitutional conduct, obliged the Minister of War, Vielhorski, to resign, and, by his terrible military rigour, had caused a series of suicides among Polish officers. In a word, the Diet endeavoured to show not merely legislative zeal, but also its confidence in the Government, and to give proofs that it had fittingly appreciated the precious assurances contained in the speech from the throne.

Alexander closed the Diet on April 27, expressing his goodwill in a second address, thanking the Diet for its labours and its conduct, promising his speedy return to Warsaw, and concluding with these auspicious words: " I abide by the execution of my intentions; what they are, you already know." One positive step in the direction of fulfilling these intentions, so far as they concerned Lithuania, was made by the ukases of 1817 and 1819, extending the military authority of Constantine, as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish army, to five Lithuanian provinces. But, at the same time, disquieting signs of reaction were beginning to appear.

By a decree of the Viceroy of May, 1819, the censorship was introduced for newspapers and periodicals, and, by a decree of July of the same year, it was extended to all books published in the kingdom. This was a flagrant violation of the Constitution. In December of the same year not only was this violation sanctioned to the fullest extent, but restrictions upon personal liberty were also authorised, so far as the " urgency of the moment" might require. Henceforth a road was opened to administrative repression, according as the autocratic character of Constantine and the denunciations of Novosiltsoff might dictate, and regardless of the constitutional guarantees.

A tone of depression, though still not devoid of hope, pervaded the second Diet, which met in the autumn of 1820. Alexander was in a different mood, being affected by disquieting manifestations in central and western Europe, as well as in Russia. In his speech from the throne, at the opening of the Diet (September 13), he spoke warningly of the "evil spirit which was moving over Europe." Still, he did not as yet withdraw his promises. "A few steps further," he said, " and you will be at the goal of my hopes and yours." He even, at this time, was busy elaborating in Warsaw secret projects, concerning both the Lithuanian union and the Russian Constitution, though, indeed, without much belief in their fulfilment. The proceedings of the Diet meanwhile were far from favourable to the Imperial wishes. Two important bills of the Government were rejected — a code of criminal procedure and a

452 The Polish Church.— Secret societies [1814-25

statute for constituting the Senate. A very large number of petitions were presented, stating various grounds of complaint (gravamina) arising from the unconstitutional action of the Government. The leader of the Opposition, Vincent Niemojevski, attacked the actions of the Government in a most acrimonious manner: "Stat magni nominis umbra," he said, not without reason, of the Constitution. Still, in the main, the Diet kept closely to the points at issue, and observed moderation in criticising the Government, altogether avoiding reference to the person of the sovereign. Ignoring this praiseworthy moderation, Alexander, in closing the deliberations (October 13), sternly rebuked the deputies, and found a convenient pretext for hinting the withdrawal of his previous promises. " You have delayed in its progress," he said, "the work of restoring your country. That heavy responsibility will rest upon you."

During the next five years the Polish Diet was not once convoked. The censorship, newly established under the direction of Novosiltsoff, began more and more to fetter the Press; and at the same time, owing to his influence, public education fell completely under the yoke of political reaction. This task was facilitated by the liberal-minded and patriotic Minister of Education and Public Worship, Stanislaus Potocki, who, by his harsh action, estranged the Catholic clergy. He closed 45 monasteries, 3 abbeys, and 11 seminaries, leaving still about 200 monasteries and 2000 monks. The Bishops, with Voronicz at their head, thereupon submitted to Alexander a petition against Potocki, who was unpopular with them for various reasons, amongst others, as being the Grand Master of the Grand Orient Lodge of Free Masons at Warsaw. At this very time, Rome was taking steps against the secret societies, and especially against the Carbonari, who were excommunicated by a Papal Bull (September, 1821). In compliance with the Bishops' desire, Alexander confirmed a new statute for the Commission of Public Worship and Education (August 14, 1821). Potocki was dismissed, and his place was taken by Stanislaus Grabovski, who soon became a mere tool of Novosiltsoff, and governed the Ministry of Education in an obscurantist spirit. It is noteworthy that this movement on the part of the Roman Church at Warsaw was nearly contemporaneous with the attack on the Tsar made in St Petersburg by reactionary members of the Russian Church, led by Seraphim and Photius in the name of orthodoxy. Thus the Polish clergy, being in complete ignorance of this latter movement, played into the hands of their most dangerous enemies.

The exposure and repression of the local secret societies next occupied the attention of the Government. The beginning of these societies in Poland had even preceded its establishment as a kingdom, for they were in existence in 1814. They had their origin in part from the old Polish freemasonry, which had originally been dependent on the Grand

1814-22] The "True Poles:' The Patriotic Society 453

Lodge at Berlin, but had been reorganised during the existence of the grand duchy of Warsaw, a Polish Grand Lodge being formed in connexion with the Grand Lodge in Paris. In 1814 this movement of freemasonry was extended, by the efforts of Ludwig Plater, to the western provinces of Russia; and relations with the Grand Lodge in St Petersburg were established. When, in the autumn of 1814, there were fears of a general war breaking out on the Polish question between Russia, on the one hand, and Austria, England, and France, on the other, the idea of utilizing, in case of necessity, the energies of the Polish people on behalf of Russia seems to have led both Alexander and Constantine (who was himself a member of a Masonic Lodge) to favour the development of the secret patriotic organisations; and the Tsar cherished hopes of creating a new Poland by their means. Under these circumstances was organised, in 1814, the " Society of True Poles." Afterwards from the Polish Freemasons originated the secret society of National Freemasonry. The principal founder and Grand Master was Valezy Lukasinski, a major of the 4th regiment of the line. The society adhered closely to the monarchical principle, and a bust of Alexander was placed in all its lodges, and when, subsequently, it was extended by Szczaniecki, adjutant of the famous General Dombrovski, to the grand duchy of Posen, in the Posen Lodges the bust of Frederick William III was taken down, and that of Alexander substituted. In 1819, Lukasinski, a man of great caution and self-sacrificing patriotism, drew up the statutes of this society; and at the beginning of the following year it was again transformed from freemasonry into an organisation similar to the Carboneria. At the same time, Lukasinski broke off direct connexion with Posen, in consequence, it must be supposed, of a hint received concerning the changed intentions of Alexander. But the movement, once started, could not be stopped; in April, 1821, General Uminski, one of the Posen Freemasons, arrived at Warsaw; and, under his influence and the pressure of opinion in the local Lodges, a new and wellorganised secret society was founded at Bielany, near Warsaw (May 1, 1821). This society was entirely independent of the others, having as its aim to obtain, by the efforts of the people themselves, the independence of Poland; it took the title of the "Patriotic Society." The chief authority of the association was vested in a central committee under Lukasinski. The confederates divided themselves into seven provinces, comprising the kingdom of Poland, Lithuania, Volhynia, Posen, Galicia, and Cracow; and the Polish army formed the seventh province.

The number of members in 1822 was estimated at about 5000; but this estimate was certainly much exaggerated. It was not long, however, before the Government got an inkling of the doings of the society (April, 1822) through warnings from the Berlin police, as well as through the treachery of one of the members, Captain Karski. He had been sent to Paris in order to arrive at an understanding

454 Relations between Russian and Polish societies [1821-5

with the French military societies (doubtless, also with La Fayette) and communicated everything he knew to Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian ambassador at Paris, and an implacable enemy of the Poles. Lukasinski and his companions were arrested, and, after more than two years' imprisonment, examined by a special and wholly unconstitutional Commission of Investigation, appointed by a decree of the Viceroy of July, 1822, and were afterwards handed over to a court-martial in January, 1824. They were found guilty and finally sentenced in August to hard labour in a fortress. Alexander, in confirming the sentence, reduced the penalty, as regards Lukasinski, to seven years; at the same time he granted an amnesty covering all acts prior to January 19, 1824, i.e. the date when Lukasinski was tried by court-martial. In this way any incriminating revelations as to the history of the societies were avoided. The noble-minded Lukasinski, notwithstanding the shortening of his sentence, upon the outbreak of the Revolution, was immured in the underground cells of the Schliisselburg fortress, where he remained during nearly forty years. He died there in 1868, carrying the secret of the conspiracy with him to the grave.

Owing to the reticence of Lukasinski the Patriotic Society was able to carry on its work secretly under its new head, Krzyzanovski, LieutenantGeneral of the Polish Guards. Branches of the society were formed extending in different directions, in Vilna, in Courland, and in the southwestern provinces, especially in Volhynia. From Volhynia the news of its existence reached the Russian Southern Society, from which, in 1823, Muravieff-Apostol and Bestuzheff-Riumin made proposals for a mutual understanding. Conferences took place in 1824 and 1825 between Krzyzanovski, Muravieff, and Bestuzheff. Krzyzanovski conducted himself with great prudence. Upon the Russians demanding from him that there should be a common conspiracy, and asking for particulars of the Polish societies, he replied that he had no authorisation from them, and added that he was not curious to learn the details of the Russian societies. They asked for the views of the Poles respecting the form of government and urged the necessity of adopting the republican form. He answered that, according to his own conviction, Polish interests required a monarchical government. They intimated to him the intention of the Russian confederates to extirpate, in case of need, the ruling House, and demanded that the Poles, on their part, should get rid of Constantine. To this he answered that "never had Poles stained their hands with the blood of their monarchs." Finally, he refused to sign any written agreement.

While at this period, from all sides heavy clouds were collecting over the kingdom, a beneficial change was effected in its internal administration. In 1821, the energetic Prince Ksavery Lubecki was placed at the head of the Ministry of Finance. Lubecki increased the revenues by a series of well-considered enactments, promptly carried out.

He collected considerable arrears (over 72 millions) and managed to make the budget show a satisfactory balance. In 1819 the general expenditure had amounted to over 74 millions, of which more than 80 millions were for the army. He got rid of a deficit of 20 millions and, after his ten years' administration, left the finances of the kingdom in a really flourishing state. To obtain such results Lubecki made use of harsh and even somewhat unscrupulous methods; hence he was not popular and was attacked in the Diet by the Opposition ; but on the whole he rendered undoubted services to the country. Sustained by the positive successes of his financial administration, he alone could offer, in the defence of the kingdom, a stubborn resistance to Novosiltsoff, not only in the Administrative Council, but even before the sovereign himself; and this resistance he continued to the end with great skill, vigour, and success.

In the spring of 1825 Alexander came for the last time to Warsaw, to attend the third Diet. At the very time when the summonses announcing the convocation of the Diet were being issued, the Additional Act of Februaiy 13, 1825, suppressed the publicity of deliberations in the Diet, except during the formal Sessions at the opening and the closing of the Assembly. This was equivalent, in some measure, to a suppression of the Constitutional Charter itself. Besides this, a series of repressive measures were taken, with a view to preventing a repetition of the opposition to the Government manifested at the last Diet. Thus Niemojevski was forbidden to come to Warsaw ; and the election in the province of Kalisz,for which he had been re-elected deputy, was cancelled. That part of the royal palace which contained the hall of the Diet was surrounded by troops, and the place swarmed with Russian officials and spies. Alexander opened the Diet (on May 13) with a frigid speech, in which he only incidentally mentioned the Additional Act, and avoided all subjects of vital importance; he laid stress on the marked improvement in the material welfare of the country, and on the progress effected in its economic and, especially, its financial affairs ; he dwelt also on the duty of placing entire confidence in the Government, and recommended the unreserved acceptance of its projects. The Diet, in effect, followed these admonitions; and laying aside all its just grievances waived its protest against the Additional Act, and abandoned the special address to the Throne asking for its annulment. It approved all the Government projects without any exception. Thus it passed, by a considerable majority in both Chambers, the first part of the Civil Code. It also passed a law concerning land-tenure, designed to regulate the relations of landlords and tenants, and to increase the number of the latter, as well as some supplementary enactments to the Criminal Code, and, finally, regulations for a Land Bank. This Bank was established on the initiative of Lubecki with a government subvention of 50 millions of florins, and was a valuable instrument for the promotion of agriculture,