that he crossed the Indus, and obtained by marriage Arach sia. Gedrosia, and the Paropamisadae, from Selenens. (Strab. xv. p. 724; Appian, Syr. 55.) It was to his court that Megasthenes (as we have before stated) was sent. Sandrocottus was succeeded by Amitrochates (Sanse. Amitraghátas), which is almost certainly the true form of the name, though Strabo calis Lim Allitrochades. He was the contemporary of Antiochus Soter. (Athen. xiv. 67.) It is clear, from Athenaeus (1. c.), that the same friendship was maintained between the two descendants as between the two fathers. Daimachus was sent as ambassador to Palibethra. (Strab. ii. p. 70.) Then came the wars between the Parthians and Bactrians, and the more complete establishment of the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom, under Menander, Apollodotus, Eucratides, and their successors, to which we cannot here do more than aliade. The effect, however, of these wars was to interrupt communication between the East and the West; hence the meagre nature of the historical records of the period. The expedition of Antiochus the Great to India brought to light the name of another Ling, Sophagasenus (Polyb. xi. 32), who was, in all protacuity, king of the Prasii. The Scythians finally put an end to the Bactrian empire about B. c. 136. (De Guigues, Mém. de l'Acad. d. Inser. xxv. p. 17.) This event is noticed in the Periplus (p. 22), where, however, Parthi must be taken to mean Scythi. (See also Periplus, p. 24; Dionys. Perieg. vv. 1087 -1088) Eustathius adds, in his commentary on Danysins:-O kai ’Irdookúlai ovvbétws λeyoμé- | BEL. Minnagara was their chief town, a name, as appears from Isid. Char. ( p. 9), which was partly Scythian and partly Sanscrit. (Cf. also De Guignes, (c)

The Scythians were in their turn driven out of fia by Vicrámaditya, about B. c. 56 (Colebrooke, Ind Algebra, Lond. 1817, p. 43), who established his seat of empire at Oujein (Ujjayini). At the time When the Periplus was compiled, the capital had been again changed, as we there read, 'Oývn, èv † kal τα Βασιλεία πρότερον ἦν.

It is remarkable that no allusion has been found in any of the early literature of the Hindús to Alexander the Great; but the effect of the later expeditions of the Bactrian kings is apparently indicated under the name of the Yarana. In the astronomical works, the Farana are barbarians who understood astronomy, whence it has been conjectured by Colebrooke that to Alexandrians are referred to. (Ind. Algebra, p. 80.) Generally, there can be no doubt that the Yarasa mean nations to the W. of India. Thus, in the Mahabharata, they make war on the Indians, in ction with the Páradi (i. e. Parthi), and the Sache or Scythians. (Lassen, Pentap. p. 60.) In the Drama of the Mudra-Ráxasa, which refers to the war between Chandragupta and another Indian King, it is stated that Cusumapura (i. e. Palibothra) was Landed by the Cirratae, Yavani, Cambogi, Persae, Bertrans, and the other forces of Chandragupta, and the king of the Mountain Regions. Lassen thinks, with much reason, that this refers to Seleucus, who, his war with Chandragupta, reached, as we know, Pabethra. (Plin. vi. 17.)

With regard to the commerce of ancient India, ich we have every reason to suppose was very extensive, it is impossible in this place to do more than tindicate a few of the principal facts. Indeed, the or Terce of India, including the northern and the water districts, may be considered as an epitome ut the commerce of the world, there being few pro

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ductions of any other country which may not be found somewhere within its vast area.

The principal directions in which the commerce of ancient India flowed were, between Western India and Africa, between the interior of the Deccan and the outports of the southern and western coast of the Indian Ocean, between Ceylon and the ports of the Coromandel coast, between the Coromandel coast and the Aurea Chersonesus, and, in the N., along the Ganges and into Tátary and the territory of the Sinae. There appears also to have been a remarkable trade with the opposite coast of Africa, along the district now called Zanguebar, in sesamum, rice, cotton goods, cane-honey (sugar), which was regularly sent from the interior of Ariaca (Concan) to Barygaza (Beroach), and thence westward. (Peripl. p. 8.) Arab sailors are mentioned who lived at Muza (Mocha), and who traded with Barygaza. (Peripl. p. 12.) Banians of India had established themselves on the N. side of Socotra, called the island of Dioscorides (Peripl. p. 17): while, even so early as Agatharchides, there was evidently an active commerce between Western India and Yemen. (Agatharch. p. 66, ed. Hudson.) Again, the rapidity with which Alexander got his fleet together seems to show that there must have been a considerable commerce by boats upon the Indus. At the time of the Periplus there was a chain of ports along the western coast, · Barygaza (Beroach), Muziris in Limyrica (Mangalore), Nelkynda (Neliceram), Pattala (once supposed to be Tatta, but much more probably Hydrabad), and Calliene, now Gallian (Peripl. p. 30): while there were three principal emporia for merchandise, · Ozene (Oujein), the chief mart of foreign commerce, (vide an interesting account of its ruins, Asiat. Res. vol. vi. p. 36), and for the transmission of the goods to Barygaza; Tagara, in the interior of the Deccan (almost certainly Deoghir or Devanagari near Ellora), whence the goods were conveyed over difficult roads to Barygaza and Plúthana or Plithana, a place the exact position of which cannot now be determined, but, from the character of the products of the place, must have been somewhere in the Ghats.

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Along the Regio Paralia to the S., and on the Coromandel coast, were several ports of consequence; and extensive pearl fisheries in the kingdom of king Pandion, near Colchi, and near the island of Epiodorus, where the wvvikóv (a silky thread spun from the Pinna-fish) was procured. (Peripl. p. 33). Further to the N. were, Masalia (Masulipatam), famous for its cotton goods (Peripl. p. 35); and Gange, a great mart for muslin, betel, pearls, &c., somewhere near the mouth of the Ganges, its exact locality, however, not being now determinable. (Peripl. p. 36.) The commerce of Ceylon (Selandib, i. e. Sinhala-dwipa) was in pearls of the best class, and precious stones of all kinds, especially the ruby and the emerald. The notices in Ptolemy and Pliny shew that its shores were well furnished with commercial towns (Ptol. vii. 4. §§ 3, 4, 5), while we know from the narrative of Cosmas Indicopleustes (ap. Montfaucon, Coll. Nova Bibl. Patr. vol. ii.) that it was, in the sixth century A.D., the centre of Hindu commerce. Besides these places, we learn that there was an emporium upon the Coromandel coast, whence the merchant ships crossed over to Chryse (in all probability Malacca), in the Aurea Chersonesus; the name of it, however, is not specified.

It is probable, however, that the greatest line of commerce was from the N. and W. along the

Ganges, commencing with Taxila near the Indus, or Lahore on that river, and passing thence to Palibothra. This was called the Royal Road. It is remarkable that the Ramayana describes a road from Ayodhiya (Oude), over the Ganges and the Jumna, to Hastinapura and Lahore, which must be nearly identical with that mentioned in the Greek geographers. The commerce, which appears to have existed between the interior of Asia, India, and the land of the Sinae and Serica, is very remarkable. It is stated that from Thina (the capital of the Sinae) fine cottons and silk were sent on foot to Bactra, and thence down the Ganges to Limyrica. (Peripl. p. 36.) The Periplus speaks of a sort of annual fair which was held within the territory of the Thinae, to which malabathron (betel) was imported from India. It is not easy to make out whereabouts Thina itself was situated, and none of the modern attempts at identification appear to us at all satisfactory: it is clearly, however, a northern town, in the direction of Ladakh in Thibet, and not, as Ptolemy placed it, at Malacca in Tenasserim, or, as Vincent (Voyage of Nearchus, vol. ii. p. 735) conjectured, at Arracan. It is curious that silk should be so constantly mentioned as an article of import from other countries, especially Serica, as there is every reason to suppose that it was indigenous in India; the name for silk throughout the whole of the Indian Archipelago being the Sanscrit word sutra. (Colebrooke, Asiat. Res. vol. v. p. 61.)

It is impossible to give in this work any details as to the knowledge of ancient India exhibited in the remains of native poems or histories. The whole of this subject has been examined with great ability by Lassen in his Indische Alterthumskunde; and to his pages, to which we are indebted for most of the Sanscrit names which we have from time to time inserted, we must refer our readers. From the careful comparison which has been made by Lassen and other orientalists (among whom Pott deserves especial mention) of the Indian names preserved by the Greek writers, a great amount of evidence has been adduced in favour of the general faithfulness of those who recorded what they saw or heard. In many instances, as may be seen by the names we have already quoted, the Greek writers have been content with a simple adaptation of the sounds which they heard to those best suited for their own pronunciation. When we consider the barbarous words which have come to Europe in modern times as the European representations of the names of places and peoples existing at the present time, we have reason to be surprised at the accuracy with which Greek ears appreciated, and the Greek language preserved, names which must have appeared to Greeks far more barbarous than they would have seemed to the modern conquerors of the country. The attention of modern scholars has detected many words of genuine Indian origin in a Greek dress; and an able essay by Prof. Tychsen on such words in the fragments of Ctesias will repay the perusal of those who are interested in such subjects. (See Heeren, Asiatic Nations, vol. ii. Append. 4, ed. Lond. 1846.)

The generic name of the inhabitants of the whole country to the E. of Persia and S. of the Himalaya mountains (with the exception of the Seres) was, in ancient times, INDI ('Ivdoí), or Indians. It is true that the appellation referred to a much wider or much less extensive range of country, at different periods of history. There can, however, be no doubt, that

The

when the ancient writers speak of the INDI, they mean the inhabitants of a vast territory in the SE. part of Asia. The extension of the meaning of the name depended on the extension of the knowledge of India, and may be traced, though less completely, in the same manner as we have traced the gradual progress of knowledge relative to the land itself. Indi are mentioned in more than one of the fragments of Hecataeus (Hecat. Fragm. 175, 178), and are stated by Aeschylus to have been a people in the neighbourhood of the Aethiopians, who made use of camels. (Suppl. 284-287.) Herodotus is the first ancient author who may be said to give any real description of them; and he is led to refer to them, only because a portion of this country, which adjoined the territory of Dareius, was included in one of the satrapies of his vast empire, and, therefore, paid him tribute. Some part of his narrative (iii. 94-106, iv. 44, vii. 65) may be doubted, as clearly from hearsay evidence; some is certainly fabulous. The sum of it is, that the Indians were the most populous and richest nation which he knew of (iii. 94), and that they consisted of many different tribes. speaking different languages. Some of them, he states, dwelt in the immediate neighbourhood of the Aethiopians, and were, like them, black in colour (iii. 98, 101); some, in the marshes and desert land still further E. The manners of these tribes, whom he calls Padaei, and Callatiae or Calantiae, were in the lowest grade of civilisation,-a wandering race, living on raw flesh and raw fish, and of cannibal habits (Cf. Strab. xv. p. 710, from which Mannert, v. 1. p. 3, infers that the Padaei were not after all genuine Indians, but Tátars.) Others (and these were the most warlike) occupied the more northern districts in the neighbourhood of Caspatyrus (Cashmir) in the Regio Pactice. Herodotus places that part of India which was subject to Dareius in the 20th satrapy, and states that the annual tribute from it amounted to 360 talents (iii. 94). Xenophon speaks of the Indians as a great nation, and one worthy of alliance with Cyaxares and the Medes (i. 5. § 3, iii. 2. § 25, vi. 2. § 1), though he does not specify to what part of India he refers. That, however, it was nearly the same as that which Herodotus describes, no one can doubt.

From the writers subsequent to Alexander, the following particulars relative to the people and their manners may be gathered. The ancients considered that they were divided into seven castes:-1. Priests, the royal counsellors, and nearly connected with, if not the same as, the Bpaxuâves or Brahmins. (Strab. xv. pp. 712-716; Arrian, Ind. 11.) With these Strabo (l. c.) makes another class, whom he calls Tapuaves. These, as Grosskurd (iii. p. 153) has suggested, would seem, from the description of their habits, to have been fakirs, or penitents, and the same as the Gymnosophistae so often mentioned by Strabo and Arrian. This caste was exempted from taxes and service in war. 2. Husbandmen, who were free from war-service. They were the most numerous of the seven castes. (Strab. xv. p. 704.) The land itself was held to belong to the king, who farmed it out, leaving to the cultivator one-fourth of the produce as his share. 3. Hunters and shepherds, who lead a wandering life, their office being to rear cattle and beasts of burden: the horse and the elephant were held to be for the kings only. (Strab. 7. c.) 4. Artizans and handicraftsmen, of all kinds. (Strab. xv. p. 707.) 5. Warriors. (Strab, l. c.) 6. Political officers (popo, Stral.

Le), who looked after affairs in the towns, &c., and reported secretly to the king. 7. The Royal Couners, who presided over the administration of justive (Strab. I. c.), and kept the archives of the realm. It was not permitted for intermarriages to take place between any of these classes, nor for any one to perform the office allotted to another, except in the case of the first caste (called also that of the piλoσopol), to which class a man might be raised from any of the other classes. (Strab. I. c.; Arrian, Ind. c. 12; Diod. ii. 41; Plin. vi, 19. s. 22.) We may remark that the modern writers on India recognise only four castes, caled respectively Brahmans, Kshatryas, Vaisyas, and Sudras, – a division which Heeren has suggested (we think without sufficient evidence) to indicate the remains of distinct races. (Asiat. Nat. vol. ii. p. 220.) The lowest of the people (now called Pariahs), as belonging to none of the above castes, are nowhere distinctly mentioned by ancient writers (but cf. Strab. av. p. 709; Diod. ii. 29; Arrian, Ind. c. 10).

The general description of the Indians, drawn from Megasthenes and others who had lived with them, is very pleasing. Theft is said to have been unknown, so that houses could be left unfastened. (Strab. xv. p709.) No Indian was known to speak falsehood. (Strab. Le.; Arrian, Ind. c. 12.) They were extrendly temperate, abstaining wholly from wine (Strah Z e.),—their hatred of drunkenness being so great that any girl of the harem, who should see the king drunk, was at liberty to kill him. (Strab. IV. p. 710.) No class eat meat (Herod. iii. 100), their chief sustenance being rice, which afforded them also a strong drink, i. e. arrak. (Strab. xv. p. 694) Hence an especial freedom from diseases, and long lives; though maturity was early developed, especially in the female sex, girls of seven years old being deemed marriageable. (Strab. xv. pp. 701706; Arrian, Ind. 9.) The women are said to have been remarkable for their chastity, it being impossible to tempt them with any smaller gifts than that of an elephant (Arrian, Ind. c. 17), which was not considered discreditable by their countrymen; and the usual custom of marriage was for the father to take his daughters and to give them in marriage to the youths who had distinguished themselves most in gymnastic exercises. (Arrian, l. c.; Strab. xv. 717.) To strangers they ever showed the utmost Ispitality. (Diod. ii. 42.) As warriors they were Estorious (Arrian, Ind. c. 9; Exped. Alex. v. 4; Pkt. Akr. c. 59, 63): the weapons of the footschiers being bows and arrows, and a great twoLanded sword; and of the cavalry, a javelin and a read shield (Arrian, Ind. c. 16; Strab. xv. p. 717; Cart. vii. 9.) In the Panjab, it is said that the Maced-Lians encountered poisoned arrows. (Diod.

103.) Manly exercises of all kinds were in vme among them. The chase was the peculiar privilege of royalty (Strab. xv. pp. 709-712; Ctes. Ind. 14; Curt. viii. 9, seq.); gymnastics, music, and Lancing, of the rest of the people (Strab. xv. p. 709; Arrian, Exp. Alez. vi. 3); and juggling and slight Land were then, as now, among their chief amuserents. (Aelian, viii. 7; Juven. vi. 582.) Their anal dress befitted their hot climate, and was of white linen (Philost. Vit. Apoll. ii. 9) or of cottonstaff (Strab. xv. p. 719; Arrian, Ind. c. 16); their beads and shoulders partially covered (Arrian, l. c.; Cart. vii. 9, 15) or shaded from the sun by umbreas (Arrian, I. c.); with shoes of white leather, with very thick and many-coloured soles. (Arrian, Le) Gold and ivory rings and ear-rings were in

common use; and they were wont to dye their beards, not only black and white, but also red and green. (Arrian, l. c.) In general form of body, they were thin and elegantly made, with great litheness (Arrian, Ind. c. 17; Strab. ii. p. 103, xv. p. 695), but were larger than other Asiatics. (Arrian, Exped. Alex. v. 4; Plin. vii. 2.)

Some peculiar customs they had, which have lasted to the present day, such as self-immolation by water or fire, and throwing themselves from precipices (Strab. xv. pp. 716, 718; Curt. viii. 9; Arrian, Exped. Alex. vii. 5; Lucan. iii. 42; Plin. vi. 19. s. 20), and the burning of the widow (suttee); not, indeed, agreeably to any fixed law, but rather according to custom. (Strab. xv. pp. 699-714: Diod. xvii. 91, xix. 33; Cic. Tusc. Disp. v. 27.) For writing materials they used the bark of trees (Strab. xv. p. 717: Curt. ix. 15), probably much as the modern Cinghalese use the leaf of the palm. Their houses were generally built of wood or of the bamboo-cane; but in the cold mountain districts, of clay. (Arrian, Ind. c. 10.) It is a remarkable proof of the extent to which civilisation had been carried in ancient India, that there were, throughout great part of the country, high roads, with stones set up (answering to our milestones), on which were inscribed the name of the place and the distance to the next station. (Strab. xv. pp. 689-708; Arrian, Ind. c. 3.) [V.]

INDICUS OCEANUS (ὁ Ινδικός Ωκεανός, Agath. ii. 14; Tò 'Ivdikòv wéλayos, Ptol. vii. 1. § 5). The Indian Ocean of the ancients may be considered generally as that great sea which washed the whole of the southern portion of India, extending from the parallel of longitude of the mouths of the Indus to the shores of the Chersonesus Aurea. It seems, indeed, to have been held by them as part, however, of a yet greater extent of water, the limits of which were undefined, at least to the southwards, and to which they gave the generic name of the Southern Sea. Thus Herodotus speaks of ʼn vorín dáλavoa in this sense (iv. 37), as does also Strabo (ii. p. 121); Diodorus calls it ǹ karà μeonμspíav wкeavós (iii 38), while the Erythraean sea, taken in its most extended meaning, doubtless conveyed the same sense. (Herod. ii. 102, iv. 37; compared with Strab. i. p. 33.) Ptolemy gives the distances across this sea as stated by seafaring men; at the same time he guards against their over-statements, by recording his opinion in favour of no more than one-third of their measurements: this space he calls 8670 stadia (i. 13. § 7). The distance along its shores, following the indentations of the coast-line, he estimates, on the same authority, at 19,000 stadia. evident, however, that Ptolemy himself had no clear idea of the real form of the Indian Ocean, and that he inclined to the opinion of Hipparchus, Polybius, and Marinus of Tyre, that it was a vast inland sea, the southern portion of it being bounded by the shores of an unknown land which he supposed to connect Cattigara in the Chersonesus Aurea with the promontory of Prasum (now Cape Delgado) in Africa (comp. iv. 9. §§ 1, 3, vii. 3. §§ 1, 3, 6). The origin of this error it is not easy now to ascertain, but it seems to have been connected with one which is found in the historians of Alexander's expedition, according to which there was a connection between the Indus and the Nile, so that the sources of the Acesines (Chenab) were confounded with those of the Nile. (Arrian, vi. 1.) Strabo, indeed, appears to have had some leaning to a similar view, in that he connected the Erythraean with the Atlantic sea (ii. p. 130); which was also

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