Scal.). The date assigned to this Samian colony by The period of this change is uncertain. It is generally said that the Romans bestowed on it the new name when they established their colony there; but there seems good reason to believe that it was considerably more ancient. The name of Puteoli is applied to the city by Livy during the Second Punic War (Liv. xxiv. 7), and there is much probability that the coins with the Oscan inscription "Phistlus," sometimes Graecised into Phistelia, belong to Puteoli during the period previous to the Roman colony. (Millingen. Numism. de l'Anc. Italie, p. 201; Friedländer, Oskische Münzen, p. 29.) According to the Roman writers the name of Puteoli was derived either from the stench arising from the numerous sulphureous springs in the neighbourhood, or (with more probability) from the wells (putei) or sources of a volcanic nature with which it abounded. (Varro, L. L. v. 25; Fest. s. v. Puteoli; Plin. xxxi. 2; Strab. v. p. 245; Steph. B. s. v. ПorioλO) Cicero on his return to Rome from his quaestorship in Sicily (Cic. pro Planc. 26), but the same course was pursued with the greater part of the merchandise brought from the East, especially with the costly wares sent from Alexandria, and even the supplies of corn from the same quarter. (Strab. xvii. p. 793; Suet. Aug. 98; Senec. Ep. 77.) Strabo speaks of Puteoli as one of the most important trading cities of his time (v. p. 245), and it is evident from the expressions of Seneca (1. c.) that this had not fallen off in the days of Nero. The trade with Alexandria indeed, important as it was, was only one branch of its extensive commerce. Among other things the iron of Ilva, after being smelted at Populonium, was brought to Puteoli (Diod. v. 13): and the city carried on also a great trade with the Turdetanians in the south of Spain, as well as with Africa. (Strab. iii. p. 145.) We learn also from an inscription still extant, that its trade with Tyre was of such importance that the Tyrians had a regular factory there (Boeckh, C. I. no. 5853); and another inscription mentions a number of merchants from Berytus as resident there. (Mommsen, I. R. N. 2488.) Indeed there seems no doubt that it was under the Roman Empire one of the greatest-if not the greatest-emporiums of foreign trade in all Italy For this advantage it was in a great measure indebted to the excellence of its port, which, besides being naturally well sheltered, was further protected by an extensive mole or pier thrown out into the bay and supported on stone piles with arches between them. Hence Seneca speaks of the population of Puteoli assembling on this mole (in pilis) to watch for the arrival of the ships from Alexandria. (Sen. Ep. 77.) Putecli had peculiar facilities for the construction of this and similar works, from the excellent quality of its volcanic sand, which formed a mortar or cement of the greatest hardness and durability, and wholly proof against the influence of the sea-water. (Strab. v. p. 245; Plin. xxxv. 13. s. 47.) This kind of cement is still known by the name of Pozzolana. The first mention of Puteoli in history is during the Second Punic War, when it was fortified by Q. Fabius by order of the senate, and protected by a strong garrison to secure it from the attempts of Hannibal, B. C. 215. That general, indeed, in the following season made an attempt, though without success, to make himself master of the city, the possession of its port being an object of the greatest importance to him. (Liv. xxiv. 7, 12, 13.) Livy speaks of Puteoli as having first become frequented as a port in consequence of the war; and though this is not strictly correct, as we know that it was frequented long before under the name of Dicaearchia, It was from the extremity of the mole of Puteoli it is probable that it then first rose to the high de- that Caligula carried his celebrated bridge across gree of commercial importance which it subsequently the bay to the opposite shores at Baiae. (Suet. Cal. retained under the Romans. Thus in B. C. 212 it 19, 32; Dion Cass. lix. 17; Joseph. Ant. xix. 1. § became the principal port where the supplies of corn 1.) It is scarcely necessary to observe that this from Etruria and Sardinia were landed for the use bridge was merely a temporary structure [BAIAE], of the Roman army that was besieging Capua (Liv. and the remains still visible at Pozzuoli which are xxv. 22); and the next year it was from thence popularly known as the Bridge of Caligula are in that Claudius Nero embarked with two legions for fact the piles or piers of the mole of Puteoli. The Spain. (Id. xxvi. 17.) Towards the close of the construction of this mole is generally ascribed to war also (B. C. 203) it was at Puteoli that the Augustus, without sufficient authority; but it is Carthaginian ambassadors landed, on their way to probable that it dates from at least as early a period : Rome. (Id. xxx. 22.) It was doubtless the growing and we learn that there were in his time extensive importance of Puteoli as a commercial emporium docks (navalia) at Puteoli, in which the huge ships that led the Romans to establish a colony there in that had been employed in bringing the obelisks B. C. 194 (Liv. xxxiv. 45; Vell. Pat. i. 15): the from Egypt were preserved, — -a sufficient proof of the date is confirmed by a remarkable inscription of magnitude of these establishments. (Plin. xxxvi. B. c. 105 (Mominsen, Inscr. R. N. 2458), and it 9. s. 14.) Another proof of the importance of seems to have become before the close of the Re- Puteoli is the fact that Claudius established there, public, as it continued under the Empire, one of the as well as at Ostia, a cohort of troops to guard the most considerable places of trade in Italy. From city against fire, in the same manner as was done at its being the first really good port on the south of Rome (Suet. Claud. 25). In A. D. 95 Domitian Rome (for Antium could never deserve that epithet) constructed a new line of road leading direct to it became in a manner the port of the imperial city, Puteoli from Sinuessa, where it quitted the Appian although distant from it not less than 150 miles. Way. (Dion Cass. lxvii. 14; Stat. Silv. iv. 3.) Not only did travellers coming from the East to Previous to that time its communication with Rome Rome frequently land at Puteoli and proceed from must have been by way of Capua, to which a branch thence by land to the city, as in the well-known road (not given in the Itineraries) led direct from instances of St. Paul (Act. Apost. xxviii. 13) and | Puteoli. Puteoli certainly continued to enjoy under the Empire the rank of a colony. (Plin. iii. 5. s. 9; Orell. Inser. 1694, 3697, &c.) In addition to the original colonia civium" settled there, as already mentioned, in B. C. 194, it appears to have received a fresh colony under Sulla (Val. Max. ix. 3. § 8; Plut. Sull. 37; Zumpt, de Colon. p. 260), and certainly was again colonised by Augustus. (Lib. Col. p. 236.) The inhabitants had, as we learn from Cicero (Phil. ii. 41), warmly espoused the cause of Brutus and Cassius after the death of Caesar, which may have been one reason why Augustus sought to secure so important a point with a colony of veterans. But, as was often the case, the old inhabitants seem to have continued apart from the colonists, with separate municipal rights, and it was not till the reign of Nero that these also obtained admission into the colony. (Tac. Ann. xiv. 27.) In A. D. 69 the Puteolani zealously espoused the cause of Vespasian (Tac. Hist. iii. 67), and it was probably in consequence of this that the city afterwards assumed the honorary title of "Colonia Flavia Augusta Puteoli," by which we find it designated in inscriptions. (Orell. Inscr. 3698; Zumpt, l. c. p. 395; Mommsen, 2492, 2493.) It is not improbable, howthat it may at the same time have received a fresh accession of colonists. ever, In addition to its commercial importance, Puteoli, or rather its immediate neighbourhood, became, before the close of the Republic, a favourite resort of the Roman nobility, in common with Baiae and the whole of this beautiful district. Thus Cicero, as we learn from himself, had a villa there, to which he gave the name of Academia, but which he more often mentions merely as his Puteolanum. (Cic. de Fat. 1, ad Att. i. 4, xiv. 7, xv. 1, &c.) It passed after his death into the hands of Antistius Vetus, and the outbreak of a thermal spring there became the occasion of a well-known epigram, which has been preserved to us by Pliny. (Plin. xxxi. 2. s. 3.) This villa was situated between Puteoli and the lake Avernus; it was subsequently chosen as the place of burial of the emperor Hadrian. (Spart. Hadr. 25.) We hear little of Puteoli in history during the later periods of the Roman Empire, but there is every reason to suppose that it continued to be a flourishing and populous town. Its mole and port were repaired by Antoninus Pius (Mommsen, Inscr. 2490), and numerous inscriptions have been found there, some of which belong to a late period, and attest the continued importance of the city down to the reign of Honorius. (Mommsen, 2494-2500.) But it shared to the full extent in the calamities of the declining empire: it was taken and plundered by Alaric in A. D. 410, and again by Genseric in 455, and by Totila in 545. Nor did it ever recover these repeated disasters. After having for some time been almost deserted, it partially revived in the middle ages; but again suffered severely, both from the ravages of war and from the volcanic eruptions of the Solfatara in 1198, and of the Monte Nuovo in 1538. At the present day Pozzuoli, though retaining its episcopal see, and about 8000 inhabitants, is a poor place, and suffers severely from malaria in summer. It, however, retains many remains of its ancient greatness. Among these one of the most conspicuous is the amphitheatre, on the hill behind the town, which is of considerable size, being larger than that at Pompeii, and calculated to be capable of containing 25,000 spectators. It is in good preservation, and, having been recently excavated and cleared out, affords in many respects a good specimen of such structures. It derives additional interest from being more than once alluded to by ancient writers. Thus Suetonius mentions that Augustus presided at games there, and it was in consequence of an insult offered to a senator on that occasion that the emperor passed a law assigning distinct seats to the senatorial order. (Suet. Aug. 44.) It was there also that Nero entertained Tiridates, king of Armenia, with magnificent shows both of gladiators and combats of wild beasts. (Dion Cass. lxiii. 3.) Near the amphitheatre are some ruins, commonly known as the temple of Diana, but which more probably belonged to a range of thermae or baths; as well as several piscinas or reservoirs for water on a great scale, some of which are supposed to have been connected with the service of the amphitheatre. Near them are the remains of an aqueduct, intended for the supply of the city, which seems to have been a branch of that which led to Misenum. In the city itself the modern cathedral is in great part constructed out of the remains of a Roman temple, which, as we learn from an inscription on the architrave, was dedicated to Augustus by L. Calpurnius. From another inscription we learn that the architect was L. Cocceius Auctus, evidently the same who is mentioned by Strabo as having been employed by Agrippa to construct the tunnel at Posilipo. (Mommsen, I. R.N. 2484, 2485; Strab. v. p. 245.) The masonry is of white marble, and there still remain six beautiful Corinthian columns of the same material. Much more celebrated than these are the remains of a building commonly known as the temple of Serapis or Serapeum. The interest which attaches to these is, however, more of a scientific than antiquarian character, from the evidence they afford of repeated changes in the level of the soil on which they stand. (Lyell, Principles of Geology, 8th ed. p. 489, &c.; Daubeny On Volcanoes, p. 206.) The edifice is one of a peculiar character, and the received attribution is very doubtful. Recent researches have rendered it more probable that it was a building connected with the mineral spring which rises within it, and was adapted both for purposes of worship and for the medical use of the source in question. The general plan is that of a large quadrangular atrium or court, surrounded internally by a portico of 48 columns, with chambers at the sides, and a circular temple in the centre. Not far from the temple of Serapis are the ruins of two other buildings, both of them now under water: the one of which is commonly known as the temple of Neptune, the other as the temple of the Nymphs; but there is no real foundation for either name. We know, however, from Cicero that there was a temple of Neptune at Puteoli, as might naturally be expected at so frequented a seaport, and that its portico fronted the bay. (Cic. Acad. ii. 25.) The remains of the ancient mole have been already mentioned; there are now portions of 16 piers remaining, 13 of which are still visible above water. On the coast proceeding from Pozzuoli towards the Lucrine lake (or rather on the ancient cliff which rises above the low line of coast) are some ruins called (with at least more probability than in most similar cases) those of the villa of Cicero, which was certainly, as we learn from Pliny, situated between Puteoli and the Lucrine lake. (Plin. xxxi. 2. §. 3.) About a mile from Pozzuoli to the NE., on a hill between the town and the Lago d Angano, is the remarkable spot now called the Solfutara, and in ancient times known as the FORUM VULCANI ('Hoaiσtou àyupá, Strab.). It is evidently the crater of an extinct volcano, retaining only so much of its former activity as to emit constantly sulphureous gases in considerable quantity, the deposit of which forms large accumulations of sulphur. It is well described by Strabo, in whose time it would seem to have been rather more active than at present, as well as in a more poetical style by Petronius (Carm. B. Civ. 67-75); and is noticed also by Lucilius, who justly points to the quantity of sulphur produced, as an evidence of igneous action, though long extinct. (Strab. v. p. 246; Lucil. Aetn. 431.) It does not seem to have ever broken out into more violent action, in ancient, any more than in modern, times; but in the middle ages on one occasion (in 1198) it broke into a violent eruption; and a stream of trachytic lava, which has flowed from the crater in a SE. direction, is probably the result of this outburst. The effect of the sulphureous exhalations on the soil of the surrounding hills is visible for some distance, and imparts to them a peculiar whiteness of aspect, whence they were called the LEUCOGAEI COLLES. (Plin. xviii. 11. s. 29, xxxv. 15. s. 50.) Pliny also mentions in connection with them some mineral springs, to which he gives the name of LEUCOGAEI FONTES. (Id. xxxi. 2. s. 8.) They are probably those now known as the Pisciarelli. There were two ancient roads leading from Puteoli, the one to Capua, the other to Neapolis. Both of them may still be distinctly traced, and were bordered, for some distance after they quitted the city, with ranges of tombs similar to those found outside the gate of Pompeii, though of course in less perfect preservation. They are nevertheless in many respects of much interest. Pliny mentions the road (which he calls a Via Consularis) that led from Puteoli to Capua; it was the tract on the left of this towards Cumae that was the district properly called the CAMPI LABORINI, or LABORIAE, distinguished even above the rest of Campania for its surpassing fertility. (Plin. xviii. 11. s. 29.) Concerning the topography of Puteoli and ruins still remaining at Pozzuoli, see Mazzella, Situs et Antiquitas Puteolorum in Graevius and Burmann's Thesaurus, vol. ix. part iv.; Romanelli, Viaggio a Pozzuoli, 8vo. Naples, 1817; and Jorio, Guida di Pozzuoli, 8vo. Naples, 1830. [E. H. B] PUTEOLA'NUS SINUS. [CRATER.] PUTPUT, a station in Africa Proper, 12 M. P. from Neapolis (Nabel) (Itin. Anton.; Peut. Tab.), which has been identified by Barth (Wanderungen, pp. 142, 143) with Hámámát. Sir G. Temple (Excursions, vol. ii. p. 10) considers it to be SIAGUL (Zayou, Ptol. iv. 3. § 9), because of the two inscriptions with "Civitas Siagitana," which Shaw found at Hámâmát. (Trav. p. 169.) [E. B. J.] PYCNUS (Пuкvós, Ptol. iii. 17. § 8), a river on the N. coast of Crete, a little W. of Cydonia. FYDARAS. [ATHYRAS.] PYDNA (Пúōva, Scyl. p. 26; Scymn. Ch. 626; Ptol. iii. 13. § 15; Steph. B.; Plin. iv. 17), a town which originally stood on the coast of Pieria, in the Thermaic gulf. Themistocles was conducted by two Macedonian guides across the mountains, and found a merchant ship about to sail for Asia. (Thuc. who, after prosecuting the siege in vain, concluded a PYDNAE or PYDNA (Húðvαi), a small town on the coast of Lycia, between the river Xanthus and Cape Hieron. (Stadiasm. M. Magni, p. 221.) It is probably the same place as the one called by Ptolemy (v. 3. § 5) Cydna, and which he places at the foot of Mount Cragus, where ruins of an ancient town were observed by Beaufort. (Leake, Asia Minor, p. 182.) [L. S.] PYGELA or PHY'GELA (Πύγελα, Φύγελα : Eth. Пvyeλeús), a small town on the coast of the Caystrian bay, a little to the south of Ephesus, was said to have been founded by Agamemnon, and to have been peopled with the remnants of his army; it contained a temple of Artemis Munychia. (Xenoph. Hellen. i. 2. §2; Strab. xiv. p. 639; Steph. B. s. v.; Harpocrat. s. v.; Plin. v. 31; Scylax. p. 37; Pomp. Mela, i. 17; Liv. xxxvii. 1.) Dioscorides (v. 12) commends the wine of this town, which is still celebrated. Chandler (Travels, p. 176) observed its remains on a hill between Ephesus and Scala Nova. (Comp. Leake, Asia Minor, 261.) [L. S.] PYLAE. [THERMOPYLAE.] PYLAE CILICIAE. [CILICIA.] PYLAE SYRIAE. [AMANIDES; Issus.] the place of meeting of the Amphictyonic Council [DELHI, p. 767, b.] PYLE'NE (Πυλήνη: Eth. Πυλήνιος), an ancient town of Aetolia, between the Achelous and the Evenus, mentioned in the Homeric catalogue of the Grecian ships, is placed by Pliny on the Corinthian gulf. It would therefore seem to have existed in later times; although Strabo says that the Aeolians, having removed Pylene higher up, changed its name into Proschium. The site of Pylene is uncertain. (Hom. Il. ii. 639; Plin. iv. 3; scopulosa Pylene, Stat. Theb. iv. 102; Steph. B. s. v.) PYLON (Пvár), a town on the Via Egnatia, being the frontier town of Illyria and Macedonia. (Strab. vii. p. 323.) It is not mentioned in the Itineraries. PYLO'RUS, a town in Crete, S. of Gortyn, now Plóra. (Plin. iv. 12. s. 20; Pashley, Crete, vol. i. p. 295.) PYLUS (Пúλos: Eth. Atos), the name of three towns on the western coast of Peloponnesus. 1. A town in hollow Elis, described by Pausanias as situated upon the mountain road leading from Elis to Olympia, and at the place where the Ladon flows into the Peneius (vi. 22. § 5). Strabo, in a corrupt passage, assigns to it the same situation, and places it in the neighbourhood of Scollium or Mt. Scollis (uera§ù тοû êŋveloû kaì тoû ZeλλŋevTOS EKSOS [read Kal Ts Toû Zeλλnevтos μ60λns] Пúλos xeiro, Strab. viii. p. 338). Pausanias (7. c.) says that it was 80 stadia from Elis. Diodorus (xiv. 17) gives 70 stadia as the distance, and Pliny (iv. 5. s. 6) 12 Roman miles. According to the previous description, Pylus should probably be identified with the ruins at Agrápidho-khori, situated on a commanding position in the angle formed by the junction of the Peneius and Ladon. This site is distant 7 geographical miles from Elis, which sufficiently agrees with the 80 stadia of Pausanias. Leake, however, places Pylus further S., at the ruins at Kulogli, mainly on the ground that they are not so far removed from the road between Elis and Olympia. But the fact of the ruins at Agrápidho-khori being at the junction of the Peneius and Ladon seems decisive in favour of that position; and we may suppose that a road ran up the valley of the Peneius to the junction of the two rivers, and then took a bend to the right into the valley of the Ladon. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. ii. p. 228, Peloponnesiaca, p. 219; Boblaye, Recherches, &c. p. 122; Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. ii. p. 39.) The Eleian Pylus is said to have been built by the Pylon, son of Cleson of Megara, who founded the Messenian Pylus, and who, upon being expelled from the latter place by Peleus, settled at the Eleian Pylos. (Paus. iv. 36. §1,vi. 22. § 5.) Pylus was said to have been destroyed by Hercules, and to have been afterwards restored by the Eleians; but the story of its destruction by Hercules more properly belongs to the Messenian Pylus. Its inhabitants asserted that it was the town which Homer had in view when he asserted that the Alpheins flowed through their territory ('AXpeloû, öσr' evрù þéεi Пuλíwv dià yains, Il. v. 545). On the position of the Homeric Pylus we shall speak presently; and we only observe here, that this claim was admitted by Pausanias (vi. 22. § 6), though its absurdity had been previously pointed out by Strabo (viii. p. 350, seq.). Like the other Eleian towns, Pylus is rarely mentioned in history. In B. C. 402 it was taken by the Spartans, in their invasion of the territory of Elis (Diod. xiv. 17); and in B. c. 366 it is mentioned as the place where the democratical exiles from Elis planted themselves in order to carry on war against the latter city. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. § 16.) Pausanias saw only the ruins of Pylus (vi. 22. § 5), and it would appear to have been deserted long previously. 2. A town in Triphylia, mentioned only by Strabo, and surnamed by him Τριφυλιακός, 'Αρκαδικός, and AerpeаTIKós. He describes it as situated 30 stadia from the sea, on the rivers Mamathus and Arcadicus, west of the mountain Minthe and north of Leprenni (viii. p. 344). Upon the conquest of the Triphylian towns by the Eleians, Pylus was annexed to Lepreum (viii. p. 355; comp. pp. 339, 343, 344). Leake observes that the village Tjorbadji, on the western extremity of Mount Minthe, at the fork of two branches of the river of Ai Sidhero, seems to agree in every respect with Strabo's description of this town. (Peloponnesiaca, p. 109.) 3. A town in Messenia, situated upon the promontory Coryphaзium, which forms the northern termination of the bay of Navarino. According to Thucydides it was distant 400 stadia from Sparta (Thuc. iv. 3), and according to Pausanias (v. 36. § 1) 100 stadia from Methone. It was one of the last places which held out against the Spartans in the Second Messenian War, upon the conclusion of which the inhabitants emigrated to Cyllene, and from thence, with the other Messenians, to Sicily. (Pans. iv. 18. § 1, iv. 23. § 1.) From that time its name never occurs in history till the seventh year of the Peloponnesian War, B. C. 424, when Demosthenes, the Athenian commander, erected a fort upon the promontory, which was then uninhabited and called by the Spartans Coryphasium (Kopupáσtov), though it was known by the Athenians to be the site of the ancient Pylus. (Thuc. iv. 3.) The erection of this fort led to one of the most memorable events in the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides has given a minute account of the topography of the district, which, though clear and consistent with itself, does not coincide, in all points, with the existing locality. Thucydides describes the harbour, of which the promontory Coryphasium formed the northern termination, as fronted and protected by the island Sphacteria, which stretched along the coast, leaving only two narrow entrances to the harbour,—the one at the northern end, opposite to Coryphasium, being only wide enough to admit two triremes abreast, and the other at the southern end wide enough for eight or nine triremes. The island was about 15 stadia in width, covered with wood, uninhabited and untrodden. (Thuc. iv. 8.) Pausanias also says that the island Sphacteria lies before the harbour of Pylus like Rheneia before the anchorage of Delos (v. 36. § 6). It is almost certain that the fortress erected by the Athenians stood on the site of the ruins of a fortress of the middle ages, called Paleó-Araríno, which has been changed into Navarino by the habit of using the accusative case, eis ròv 'Abapîvor, and by attaching the final of the article to the substantive. The distances of 400 stadia from Sparta and 100 stadia from Methone, given respectively by Thucydides and Pausanias, are the correct distances of Old Navarino from those two ancient sites. (Leake, Peloponnesiaca, p. 191.) Sphacteria (ZpakTnpia) is now called Sphagia, a name which it also bore in antiquity. (payía, Strab. viii. p. 359; Plat. Menex. p. 242; ai Zpayiai, Xen. Hell, vi. 2. § 31; tres Sphagiae, Plin. iv. 12. s. 25.) The following description will be rendered clearer by the two accompanying maps, of which the former contains the whole locality, and the latter the fortress of Old Navarino and its immediate neighbourhood on a larger scale. 17 stadia, which Thucydides ascribes to Sphacteria, does not agree with the actual length of Sphagia, which is 25 stadia. Lastly Thucydides, speaking of the bay of Pylus, calls it "a harbour of con MAP OF THE BAY OF PYLUS. A. Sphacteria (Sphagia). B. Pylus on the promontory Coryphasium (Old Navarino). C. The modern Navarino. D D. Bay of Pylus (Bay of Navarino). The chief discrepancy between the account of Thucydides and the existing state of the coast is found in the width of the two entrances into the bay of Navarino, the northern entrance being about 150 yards wide, and the southern not less than between 1300 and 1400 yards; whereas Thucydides states the former admitted only two triremes abreast, and the latter only eight or nine. Therefore not only is the actual width of the two entrances very much greater than is stated by Thucydides, but this width is not in the proportion of the number of triremes; they are not as 8 or 9 to 2, but as 17 to 2. To explain this difficulty Col. Leake supposes that Thucydides was misinformed respecting the breadth of the entrances to the harbour. But to this a satisfactory reply is given by Dr. Arnold, that not only could no common false estimate of distances have mistaken a passage of nearly 1400 yards in width for one so narrow as to admit only eight or nine ships abreast, but still less could it have been supposed possible to choke up such a passage by a continuous line of ships, lying broadside to broadside, which Thucydides tells us the Lacedaemonian commanders intended to do. Moreover the northern entrance has now a shoal or bar of sand lying across it, on which there are not more than 18 inches of water; whereas the narrative of Thucydides implies that there was sufficient depth of water for triremes to sail in unobstructed. The length of MAP OF PYLUS AND ITS IMMEDIATE A. Pylus (Old Navarino). E. Bay of Pylus (Bay of Navarino). b. Small channel connecting the lagoon of OsmynAga with the Bay of Navarino. siderable magnitude" (Auévi ovтI où σμiкр); an expression which seems strange to be applied to the spacious Bay of Navarino, which was not only the largest harbour in Greece, but perfectly unlike the ordinary harbours of the Greeks, which were always closed artificially at the mouth by projecting moles when they were not sufficiently land-locked by nature. In consequence of these difficulties Dr. Arnold raised the doubt whether the island now called Sphagia be really the same as the ancient Sphacteria, and whether the Bay of Navarino be the real harbour of Pylus. He started the hypothesis that the peninsula, on which the ruins of Old Navarino stand, is the ancient island of Sphacteria converted into a peninsula by an accumulation of sand at either side; and that the lagoon of Osmyn-Aga on its eastern side was the real harbour of Pylus, into which there was an opening on the north, at the port of Voidhó-Kilia, capable of admitting two triremes abreast, and another at the south, where there is still a narrow opening, by which eight or nine triremes may have entered the lagoon from the |