for a long time extended their dominion over a considerable part of the S., and wrested from the dukes of Benevento the districts to which they gave the names of the Capitanata and the Basilicata (a part of the ancient Apulia and Lucania), and of which they retained possession till the 11th century. It was then that a new enemy first appeared on the scene, and the Normans, under Robert Guiscard, completed the final expulsion of the Greek emperors from Italy. The capture of Bari in 1071, and of Salerno in 1077, destroyed the last vestiges of the dominion that had been founded by the generals of Justinian. (D'Anville, E'tats formés en Europe après la Chute de l'Empire Romain, 4to. Paris, 1771.) VI. POPULATION OF ITALY UNDER THE The statements transmitted to us from antiquity concerning the amount of the population in different cities and countries are for the most part of so vague a character and such uncertain authority as to be little worthy of consideration; but we have two facts recorded in connection with that of Italy, which may lead us to form at least an approximate estimate of its numbers. The first of these data is the statement given by Polybius, as well as by several Roman writers on the authority of Fabius, and which there is every reason to believe based on authentic documents, of the total amount of the forces which the Romans and their allies were able to oppose to the threatened invasion of the Gauls in B. C. 225. According to the detailed enumeration given by Polybius, the total number of men capable of bearing arms which appeared on the registers of the Romans and their allies, amounted to above 700,000 foot and 70,000 horsemen. Pliny gives them at 700,000 foot and 80,000 horse; while Eutropius and Orosius state the whole amount in round numbers at 800,000. (Pol. ii. 24; Plin. iii. 20. s. 24; Eutrop. iii. 5; Oros. iv. 13.) It is evident, from the precise statements of Polybius, that this was the total amount of the free population of military age (τὸ σύμπαν πλῆθος τῶν δυναμένων Erλa Baoтálei), and not that which could be actually brought into the field. If we estimate the proportion of these to the total free population as 1 to 4, which appears to have been the ratio currently adopted in ancient times, we should obtain a total of 3,200,000 for the free population of the Italian peninsula, exclusive of the greater part of Cisalpine Gaul, and the whole of Liguria*: and even if we adopt the proportion of 1 to 5, more commonly received in modern times, this would still give a total of only 4,000,000, an amount by no means very large, as the population of the same parts of Italy at the present day considerably exceeds 9,000,000. (Serristori, Statistica d'Italia.) Of the amount of the servile population we have no means of forming an estimate: but it was probably not large at this period of the Roman history; and its subsequent rapid increase was contemporaneous with the diminution of the free population. The complaints of the extent to which this had *The Cenomani and Veneti were among the allies who sent assistance to the Romans on this occasion, but their actual contingent of 20,000 men is all that is included in the estimate of Polybius. They did not, like the Italian allies, and doubtless could not, send registers of their total available resources. taken place as early as the time of the Gracchi, and their lamentations over the depopulation of Italy (Plut. T. Gracch. 8), would lead us to suppose that the number of free citizens had greatly fallen off. If this was the case in B. C. 133, the events of the next half century the sanguinary struggle of the Social War, which swept off, according to Velleius Paterculus (ii. 15), more than 300,000 men in the vigour of their age, and the cruel devastation of Samnium and Etruria by Sulla-were certainly not calculated to repair the deficiency. But, notwithstanding this, we find that the census of B. C. 70, which included all the new citizens recently admitted to the Roman franchise, and did not yet comprise any population out of Italy, nor even the Transpadane Gauls, gave a result of 910,000 Rəman citizens (capita civium); from which we may fairly infer a free population of at least 4,500,000. (Liv. Epit. xcviii. ed. Jahn, compared with Phlegon, ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 84. ed. Bekker.) The rapid extension of a Roman population in Gallia Cispadana, as well as Venetia and Liguria, had evidently more than compensated for the diminution in the central provinces of the peninsula. Of the populousness of Italy under the Empire, we have no data on which to found an estimate. But there are certainly no reasons to suppose that it ever exceeded the amount which it had attained under the Republic. Complaints of its depopulation, of the decay of flourishing towns, and the desolation of whole districts, are frequent in the writers of the Augustan age and the first century of the Christian era. We are told that Caesar in B. C. 46, already found a dreadful diminution of the population (deivùv ỏλıɣav@pwñíay, Dion Cass. xliii. 25); and the period of the Triumvirate must have tended greatly to aggravate the evil. Augustus seems to have used every means to recruit the exhausted population: but that his efforts were but partially successful is evident from the picture which Strabo (writing in the reign of Tiberius) gives us of the state of decay and desolation to which the once populous provinces of Samnium, Apulia, and Lucania, were in his day reduced; while Livy confirms his statement, in regard even to districts nearer Rome, such as the land of the Aequians and Volscians. (Strab. v. p. 249, vi. pp. 253, 281; Liv. vi. 12.) Pliny, writing under Vespasian, speaks of the “latifundia” as having been "the ruin of Italy;" and there seems no reason to suppose that this evil was afterwards checked in any material degree. The splendour of many of the municipal towns, and especially the magnificent public buildings with which they were adorned, is apt to convey a notion of wealth and opulence which it seems hard to combine with that of a declining population. But it must be remembered that these great works were in many, probably in most instances, erected by the munificence either of the emperors or of private individuals; and the vast wealth of a few nobles was so far from being the sign of general prosperity, that it was looked upon as one of the main causes of decay. Many of the towns and cities of Italy were, however, no doubt very flourishing and populous: but numerous testimonies of ancient writers seem to prove that this was far from being the case with the country at large; and it is certain that no ancient author lends any countenance to the notion entertained by some modern writers, of "the incredible multitudes of people with which Italy abounded during the reigns of the Roman emperors" (Ad dison, Remarks on Italy). (See this question fully discussed and investigated by Zumpt, über den Stond der Bevölkerung im Alterthum. 4to. Berlin, 1841.) Gallia Cisalpina, including Venetia and the part of Liguria N. of the Apennines, seems to have been by far the most flourishing and populous part of Italy under the Roman empire. Its extraordinary natural resources had been brought into cultivation at a comparatively late period, and were still unexhausted: nor had it suffered so much from the civil wars which had given a fatal blow to the prosperity of the rest of Italy. It would appear also to have been comparatively free from the system of cultivation by slave labour which had proved so ruinous to the more southern regions. The younger Pliny, indeed, mentions that his estate near Comum, and all those in its neighbourhood, were cultivated wholly by free labourers. (Plin. Ep. iii. 19.) In the latter ags of the Empire, also, the establishment of the imperial court at Mediolanum (which continued from the time of Maximian to that of Honorius) must have given a fresh stimulus to the prosperity of this favoured region. But when the Empire was no longer able to guard the barrier of the Alps against the irruptions of barbarians, it was on Northern Italy that the first brunt of their devastations naturally fell; and the numerous and opulent cities in the plains of the Padus were plundered in succession by the Goths, the Huns, and the Lombards. VII. AUTHORITIES. Considering the celebrity of Italy, and the importance which it enjoyed, not only under the Romans but during the middle ages, and the facility of access which has rendered it so favourite a resort of travellers in modern times, it seems strange that our knowledge of its ancient geography should be still very imperfect. Yet it cannot be denied that this is the case. The first disadvantage under which we labour is, that our ancient authorities themselves are far from being as copious or satisfactory as might be expected. The account given by Strabo, though marked by much of his usual good sense and judgment, is by no means sufficiently ample or detailed to meet all our requirements. He had also comparatively little interest in, and was probably himself but imperfectly acquainted with, the early history of Rome, and therefore did not care to notice, or inquire after, places which had figured in that history, but were in his time sunk into decay or oblivion. Mela dismisses the geography of Italy very hastily, as being too well known to require a detailed description (ii. 4. § 1): while Pliny, on the contrary, apologises for passing but lightly over so important and interesting a subject, en account of the impossibility of doing it justice (ii. 5. s. 6). His enumeration of the different regions and the towns they contained is nevertheless of the greatest value, and in all probability based upon authentic materials. But he almost wholly neglects the physical geography, and enumerates the inland towns of each district in alphabetical order, so that his mention of them gives us no assistance in determining their position. Ptolemy's lists of names are far less authentic and trustworthy than those of Pliny; and the positions which he professes to give are often but little to be depended on. The Itineraries afford valuable assistance, and perhaps there is no country for which they are more useful and trustworthy guides; but they fail us exactly where we are the most in want of assistance,-in the more remote and unfrequented parts of Italy, or those districts which in the latter ages of the Empire had fallen into a state of decay and desolation. One of the most important aids to the determination of ancient localities is unquestionably the preservation of the ancient names, which have often been transmitted almost without change to the present day; and even where the name is now altered, we are often enabled by ecclesiastical records to trace the ancient appellation down to the middle ages, and prove both the fact and the origin of its alteration. In numerous instances (such as Aletium, Sipontum, &c.) an ancient church alone records the existence and preserves the name of the decayed city. But two circumstances must guard us against too hasty an inference from the mere evidence of name: the one, that it not unfrequently happened, during the disturbed periods of the middle ages, that the inhabitants of an ancient town would migrate to another site, whether for security or other reasons, and transfer their old name to their new abode. Instances of this will be found in the cases of ABELLINUM, AUFIDENA, &c., and the most remarkable of all in that of CAPUA. Another source of occasional error is that the present appellations of localities are sometimes derived from erroneous traditions of the middle ages, or even from the misapplication of ancient names by local writers on the first revival of learning. One of the most important and trustworthy auxiliaries in the determination of ancient names and localities, that of inscriptions, unfortunately requires, in the case of Italy, to be received with much care and caution. The perverted ingenuity or misguided patriotism of many of the earlier Italian antiquarians frequently led them either to fabricate or interpolate such documents, and this with so much skill and show of learning, that many such fictitious or apocryphal inscriptions have found their way into the collections of Gruter, Muratori, and Orelli, and have been cited in succession by numerous modern writers. Mommsen has conferred a great service upon the student of Italian antiquities by subjecting all the recorded inscriptions belonging to the kingdom of Naples to a searching critical inquiry, and discarding from his valuable collection (Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinae, fol. Lips. 1852) all those of dubious authenticity. It is much to be desired that the same task may be undertaken for those of the rest of Italy. The comparative geography of ancient and modern Italy had more or less engaged the attention of scholars from the first revival of learning. But of the general works on the subject, those before the time of Cluverius may be regarded more as objects of curiosity than as of much real use to the student. Biondo Flavio (Blondus Flavius) is the earliest writer who has left us a complete and connected view of Italian topography, in his Italia Illustrata (first published in 1474, afterwards with his other works at Basle, in 1531 and 1559): after him came Leandro Alberti, whose Descrizione di tutta Italia (Venice, 1551) contains some valuable notices. But the great work of Cluverius (Italia Antiqua, 2 vols. fol. Lugd. Bat. 1624) altogether superseded those which had preceded him, and became the foundation of all subsequent inquiries. Cluverius has not only brought together, with the most praiseworthy diligence, all the passages of ancient authors bearing upon his subject, but he had himself travelled over a great part of Italy, noting the distances and observing the remains of ancient towns. It is to be regretted that he has not left us more detailed accounts of these remains of antiquity, which have in many cases since disappeared, or have not been visited by any more recent traveller. Lucas Holstenius, the contemporary and friend of Cluver, who had also visited in person nany of the more unfrequented districts of Italy, has left us, in his notes on Cluverius (Adnotationes ad Cluverii Italiam Antiquam, 8vo. Romae, 1666), a valuable supplement to the larger work, as well as many important corrections on particular points. It is singular how little we owe to the researches of modern travellers in Italy. Not a single book of travels has ever appeared on that country which can be compared with those of Leake or Dodwell in Greece. Swinburne's Travels in the Two Sicilies is one of the best, and greatly superior to the more recent works of Keppel Craven on the same part of Italy (Tour through the Southern Provinces of the Kingdom of Naples, 4to. Lond. 1821; Excursions in the Abruzzi and Northern Provinces of Naples, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1838). Eustace's well-known book (Classical Tour through Italy in 1802) is almost wholly worthless in an antiquarian point of view. Sir R. Hoare's Classical Tour, intended as a sort of supplement to the preceding, contains some valuable notes from personal observation. Dennis's recent work on Etruria (Cities and Cemeteries of the Etruscans, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1848) contains a far more complete account of the antiquities and topography of that interesting district than we possess concerning any other part of Italy. Sir W. Gell's Topography of Rome and its Vicinity (2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1834; 2nd edit. 1 vol. 1846*), taken in conjunction with the more elaborate work of Nibby on the same district (Analisi della Carta dei Dintorni di Roma, 3 vols. 8vo. Rome, 1849), supplies much valuable information, especially what is derived from the personal researches of the author, but is far from fulfilling all that we require. The work of Westphal on the same subject (Die Römische Kampagne, 4to. Berlin, 1829) is still more imperfect, though valuable for the care which the author bestowed on tracing out the direction and remains of the ancient roads throughout the district in question. Abeken's Mittel Italien (8vo. Stuttgart, 1843) contains a good sketch of the physical geography of Central Italy, and much information concerning the antiquities of the different nations that inhabited it; but enters very little into the topography of the regions he describes. The publications of the Instituto Archeologico at Rome (first commenced in 1829, and continued down to the present time), though directed more to archaeological than topographical researches, still contain many valuable memoirs in illustration of the topography of certain districts, as well as the still existing remains in ancient localities. The local works and histories of particular districts and cities in Italy are innumerable. But very few of them will be found to be of any real service to the student of ancient geography. The earlier works of this description are with few exceptions characterised by very imperfect scholarship, an almost total want of criticism, and a blind cre Α dulity, or still blinder partiality to the native city of each particular author. Even on those points c which their testimony would appear most likely to be valuable, such as notices of ruins, inscriptionis, and other remains of antiquity,-it must too often be received with caution, if not with suspicion. striking exception to this general remark will be found in the treatise of Galateo, De Situ Iapygiae (8vo. Basel, 1551; republished by Graevius in the Thesaurus Antiquitatum Italiae, vol. ix. part v.) : those of Barrio on Calabria (the modern province of the name) and Antonini on Lucania (Barrius, de Antiquitate et Situ Calabriae, fol. Romae, 1737; Antonini, La Lucania, 4to. Naples, 1741), thongh not without their merit, are of far inferior value. The results of these local researches, and the conclusions of their authors, will be for the most part found, in a condensed form, in the work of the Abate Romanelli (Antica Topografia Istorica del Regno di Napoli, 3 vols. 4to. Naples, 1815), which, notwithstanding the defects of imperfect scholarship and great want of critical sagacity, will still be found of the greatest service to the student for the part of Italy to which it relates. Cramer, in his well-known work, has almost implicitly followed Romanelli, as far as the latter extends; as for the rest of Italy he has done little more than abridge the work of Cluverius, with the corrections of his commentator Holstenius. Mannert, on the contrary, appears to have composed his Geographie von Italien without consulting any of the local writers at all, and consequently without that detailed acquaintance with the actual geography of the country which is the indispensable foundation of all inquiries into its ancient topography. Reichard's work, which appears to enjoy some reputation in Germany, is liable in a still greater degree to the same charge:* while that of Forbiger is a valuable index of references both to ancient and modern writers, but aspires to little more. Kramer's monography of the Lake Fucinus (Der Fuciner See, 4to. Berlin, 1839) may be mentioned as a perfect model of its kind, and stands unrivalled as a contribution to the geography of Italy. Niebuhr's Lectures on the Geography of Italy (in his Vorträge über Alte Länder u. Völker-kunde, pp. 318-576) contain many valuable and important views, especially of the physical geography in its connection with the history of the inhabitants, and should be read by every student of antiquity, though by no means free from errors of detail. [E. H. B.] ITA'LICA ('Iráλika, Strab. iii. p. 141; Ptol. ii. 4. § 13; 'Iraλikh, Appian, Hisp. 38; Steph. B. s. v.), a Roman city, in the country of the Turdetani, in Hispania Baetica, on the right bank of the Baetis, opposite HISPALIS (Seville), from which it was distant only 6 M. P. to the NW. (Itin. Ant. p. 413, comp. p. 432.) It was founded by Scipio Africanus, on the site of the old Iberian town of Sancios, in the Second Punic War (B. c. 207), and peopled with his disabled veterans; whence its name, "the Italian city." It had the rank of a municipium: it is mentioned more than once in the history of the Civil Wars: and it was the native place of the emperors Trajan, Hadrian, and Theodosius the Great, and, as some say, of the poet Silius Italicus. (See Dict. of Greek and Rom. Biog. s. v.) Some severe, but well merited, strictures on * It is this edition which is always referred to in this work are contained in Niebuhr's Lectures on the present work. Roman History (vol. iii. p. xciv. 2d edit.). hs coins, all of the imperial age, bear military emblems which attest the story of its origin, and on some of them is the title JULIA AUGUSTA. The city flourished under the Goths, and, for some time, under the Moors, who preserved the old name, in the forn Talika or Talca; but, in consequence of a change in the bed of the river, its inhabitants abandoned it, and migrated to Seville. Hence, in contradistinction to the city which (although far more sacient, see HISPALIS) became thus its virtual successor, Italica received the name of Old Seville (Sevilla la Vieja), under which name its ruins still exist near the wretched village of Santi Ponce, while the surrounding country retains the ancient name, los campos de Talca. The chief object in the ruins is the amphitheatre, which was in good preservation till 1774," when it was used by the corporation of Serille for river dikes, and for making the road to Badajoz." (Ford.) Mr. Ford also states, that "on Dec. 12, 1799, a fine mosaic pavement was discovered, which a poor monk, named Jose Moscoso, to his honour, enclosed with a wall, in order to save it from the usual fate in Spain. Didot, in 1802, pablished for Laborde a splendid folio, with engravings and description..... Now, this work is all that remains, for the soldiers of Soult converted the enclosure into a goat-pen." The only other portion of the ruins of Italica to be seen aboveground consists of some vaulted brick tanks, called La Casa de los Baños, which were the reservoirs of the aqueduct brought by Adrian from Tejada, 7 leagues distant. (Caes. B. C. ii. 20; Bell. Alex. 53; Gell Noct. Att. xv. 13; Oros. v. 23; Geog. Rav.; Frez, Esp. S. vol. xii. pp. 227, foll.; Coins, ap. Florez, Med. de Esp. vol. ii. p. 477; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 17, Suppl. vol. i. p. 31; Sestini, p. 61: Eckhel, vol. i. p. 23: Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1. p. 372; Ford, Handbook of Spain, pp. 63, 64.) ITA'LICA. [CORFINIUM.] ITANUM PR. [ITANUS.] [P.S.] ITANUS ("Iravos, Ptol. iii. 17. § 4; Steph. B.: Eth, 'Irários), a town on the E. coast of Crete, near the promontory which bore the name of Itanum. (Plin. iv. 12.) In Coronelli's map there is a place called Itagnia, with a Paleokastron in the neighbourhood, which is probably the site of Itanus; the position of the headland must be looked for near Xacro fiume (Höck, Kreta, vol. i. p. 426), unless it be placed further N. at Capo Salomon, in which case the Grundes islands would correspond with the ÚNISIA and LEUCE of Pliny (l. c.; comp. Mus. Class. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 303). According to Herodotus (iv. 151), the Theraeans, when founding Cyrene, were indebted for their knowledge of the Libyan coast to Corobius, a seller of purple at Itanus. Some of the coins of this city present the type of a woman terminating in the tail of a fish. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 314.) This type, recalling the figure of the Syrian goddess, coupled with the trade in purple, suggests a Phoerician origin. [E. B. J.] ITHACA (Ιθάκη: Εth. Ιθακήσιος and Ιθακός : Ithacensis and Ithacus: Thiúki, Olákn, vulgarly; but this is merely an alteration, by a simple metathesis of the two first letters, from '10ákn, which is known to be the correct orthography by the Ithacans themselves, and is the name used by all educated Greeks. Leake, Northern Greece, chap. xxii.) This island, so celebrated as the scene of a large portion of the Homeric poems, lies off the coast of Acarnania, and is separated from Cephallenia by a channel about 3 or 4 miles wide. Its name is said by Eustathius (ad Il. ii. 632) to have been derived from the eponymous hero Ithacus, mentioned in Od. xviii. 207. Strabo (x. 2) reckons the circumference of Ithaca at only 80 stadia: but this measurement is very short of the truth; its extreme length from north to south being about 17 miles, its greatest breadth about 4 miles, and its area nearly 45 sq. miles. The island may be described as a ridge of limestone rock, divided by the deep and wide Gulf of Molo into two nearly equal parts, connected by a narrow isthmus not more than half-a-mile across, and on which stands the Paleocastro of Aëtós ('Aerós), traditionally known as the "Castle of Ulysses." Ithaca everywhere rises into rugged hills, of which the chief is the mountain of Anoge ('Avwyn: Ital. Anoí), in the northern division, which is identified with the NERITOS of Virgil (Aen. iii. 271) and the Núperov eivoσíquλλov of Homer (Od. ix. 21). Its forests have now disappeared; and this is, doubtless, the reason why rain and dew are not so common here in the present as in Homer's age, and why the island no longer abounds in hogs fattened on acorns like those guarded by Eumaeus. In all other points, the poet's descriptions (Od. iv. 603, seq., xiii. 242, seq., ix. 27, seq.) exhibit a perfect picture of the island as it now appears, the general aspect being one of ruggedness and sterility, rendered striking by the bold and broken outline of the mountains and cliffs, indented by numerous harbours and creeks (Aiμéves távoрμot, Od. xiii. 193). The climate is healthy (ayan kоvρоτρópos, Od. ix. 27). It may here be observed, that the expressions applied to Ithaca, in Od. ix. 25, 26, have puzzled all the commentators ancient and modern: -- αὐτὴ δὲ χθαμαλὴ πανυπέρτατη εἶν ἁλὶ κεῖται πρὸς ζόφον, αἱ δὲ ἄνευθε πρὸς ἠῶ τ' ἠέλιόν τε. (Cf. Nitzsch, ad loc.; also Od. x. 196.) Strabo (x. 2) gives perhaps the most satisfactory explanation: he supposes that by the epithet x@auaλn the poet intended to express how Ithaca lies under, as it were, the neighbouring mountains of Acarnania; while by that of wavuneрTárη he meant to denote its position at the extremity of the group of islands formed by Zacynthus, Cephallenia, and the Echinades. another explanation, see Wordsworth, Greece, Pictorial, fc., pp. 355, seq. For Ithaca is now divided into four districts (Balú, 'Aetós, 'Avwyñ, 'E§wyn, i. e. Deep Bay, Eagle's Cliff, Highland, Outland); and, as natural causes are likely to produce in all ages similar effects, Leake (l. c.) thinks it probable, from the peculiar conformation of the island, that the four divisions of the present day nearly correspond with those noticed by Heracleon, an author cited by Stephanus B. (s. v. Kрokúλetov). The name of one of these districts is lost by a defect in the text; the others were named Neïum, Crocy.. leium, and Aegireus. The Aegilips of Homer (Il. ii. 633) is probably the same with Aegireus, and is placed by Leake at the modern village of Anoge; while he believes the modern capital town of Bathý to occupy the site of Crocyleia. (I. l. c.) It is true that Strabo (pp. 376, 453) places Aegilips and Crocyleia in Leucas; but this appears inconsistent with Homer and other ancient authorities. (See Leake, l. c.) The The terns. There can be little doubt that this is the Plutarch (Quaest. Graec. 43) and Stephanus B. (s. v.) state that the proper name of the ancient capital of Ithaca was Alcomenae or Alalcomenae, and that Ulysses bestowed this appellation upon it from his having been himself born near Alalcomenae in Boeotia. But this name is not found in Homer; and a passage in Strabo tends to identify it with the ruins on the isthmus of Aētós, where the fortress and royal residence of the Ithacan chieftains probably stood, on account of the advantages of a position so easily accessible to the sea both on the eastern and western sides. It is argued by Leake (1. c.) that the Homeric capital city was at Polis, a little harbour on the NW. coast of the island, where some Hellenic remains may still be traced. For the poet (Od. iv. 844, seq.) represents the suitors as lying in wait for Telemachus on his return from Peloponnesus at Asteris, "a small island in the channel between Ithaca and Samos (Cephalonia)," | where the only island is that now called Aaσkáλiov, situated exactly opposite the entrance to Port Polis. The traditional name of Polis is alone a strong argument that the town, of which the remains are The modern capital of Ithaca extends in a narrow still visible there, was that which Scylax (in Acar-strip of white houses round the southern extremity nania), and still more especially Ptolemy (iii. 14), mentions as having borne the same name as the island. It seems highly probable that wóλis, or the city, was among the Ithacans the most common designation of their chief town. And if the Homeric capital was at Polis, it will follow that Mt. Neium, under which it stood ('Ilákns "Tñоvntov, Od. iii. 81), was the mountain of Exoge (Ital. Exoi), at the northern extremity of the island, and that one of its summits was the Hermaean hill ('Epμaîos λópos, Od. xvi. 471) from which Eumaeus saw the ship of Telemachus entering the harbour. It becomes probable, also, that the harbour Rheithrum ('Peipov), which was "under Neium" but "apart from the city" (voodi moλnos, Od. i. 185), may be identified with either of the neighbouring bays of Afales or Frikés. Near the village of Exoge may be observed the substructions of an ancient building, probably a temple, with several steps and niches cut in the rock. These remains are now called by the neighbouring peasants "the School of Homer." The Homeric" Fountain of Arethusa " is identified with a copious spring which rises at the foot of a cliff fronting the sea, near the SE. extremity of Ithaca. This cliff is still called Korax (Kópağ), and is, doubtless, that alluded to at Od. xiii. 407, seq., xiv. 5, seq., xiv. 398. (See, especially on this point, Leake, l. c., and Mure, Tour in Greece, vol. i. p. 67, seq.) The most remarkable natural feature of Ithaca is the Gulf of Molo, that inlet of the sea which nearly divides the island into two portions; and the most remarkable relic of antiquity is the socalled "Castle of Ulysses," placed, as has been already intimated, on the sides and summit of the steep hill of Aëtós, on the connecting isthmus. Here may be traced several lines of inclosure, testifying the highest antiquity in the rude structure of massive stones which compose them. The position of several gates is distinctly marked; there are also traces of a tower and of two large subterranean cis of the horse-shoe port, or "deep" (Baðú), from which it derives its name, and which is itself but an inlet of the Gulf of Molo, often mentioned already. After passing through similar vicissitudes to those of its neighbours, Ithaca is now one of the seven Ionian Islands under the protectorate of Great Britain, and contains a population exceeding 10,000 souls, -an industrious and prosperous community. It has been truly observed that there is, perhaps, no spot in the world where the influence of classical associations is more lively or more pure; for Ithaca is indebted for no part of its interest to the rival distinctions of modern annals, - so much as its name scarcely occurring in the page of any writer of historical ages, unless with reference to its poetical celebrity. Indeed, in A. D. 1504, it was nearly, if not quite, uninhabited, having been depopulated by the incursions of Corsairs; and record is still extant of the privileges accorded by the Venetian government to the settlers (probably from the neighbouring islands and from the mainland of Greece) by whom it was repeopled. (Leake, l. c.; Bowen, Ithaca in 1850, p. 1.) It has been assumed throughout this article that the island still called Ithaca is identical with the Homeric Ithaca. Of that fact there is ample testimony in its geographical position, as well as in its internal features, when compared with the Odyssey. To every sceptic we may say, in the words of Athena to Ulysses (Od. xiii. 344), |