H OF R.] Tariff Bill. [APRIL 8, 1828. and capital was of course attracted to agriculture; so withheld for a single year the effect would be ruinous; that in 1810, when the census was taken, it appeared | her manufactures of cotton alone amounted to 300,000,that seven-eighths of our whole population was engaged 000 a year. But how, he would ask, would Great Briin the cultivation of the soil. This demand was, howev- tain undertake to exclude our cotton, even if she had er, suddenly arrested and cut off by the restoration of the disposition to do so? Not by duties; this would be peace in 1815, when the Powers of Europe abandoned || taxing her manufacturers, who, after being relieved to war, and returned to the cultivation of the soil; the effect the last cent, could scarcely maintain the competition in was, that our exports of flour fell, in the five years, from the markets of South America. So far from increasing, seventeen millions of dollars, to less than four! and all she had been compelled to repeal the whole of her duour other agricultural exports, except cotton, tobacco, ties on raw cotton; this was done not to favor us, but to and rice, fell off in a corresponding proportion. At the sustain her own manufactures. The British consumption close of the war, in 1814, Great Britain took from us of cotton at present, was about 162,000,000 of pounds, nine millions of dollars worth of cotton, and about six and of this, 125,000,000 was American, amounting to 77 millions of flour and provision; last year she took twenty- per cent. and this proportion is rapidly increasing-a five millions of cotton, and not a single barrel of flour; few years ago, less than half her supply was American, it was excluded by absolute prohibition. Twenty years our cotton is, in fact, better and cheaper than that of any ago we exported more than double the quantity of flour, other country, and so long as it is so, Great Britain will grain, and other provisions, that we export now; in find it her in'erest, and finding it her interest, she will 1806, it amounted to more than twenty millions, intake it in preference to any other. Her manufacturers, 1826 to less than ten, while in 1820, the exports of cot-left free to choose for themselves, will always purchase ton was less than thirteen millions, and in 1826, more from those offering them the best and cheapest article ; than thirty; so that, whilst our foreign markets for grain without inquiring whether they took British manufac and provisions had fallen off more than one-half, the mar-tures or not, so that the fears entertained by Southern ket for cotton had more than doubled. This might be gentlemen are visionary, and unfounded; no country in sport for the South, but it was death to the Middle and the world could rival our Sea Island cotton, and it was to Western States. The South says, "let us alone," we the manufacture of the finer fabrics the British attention are doing very well; while the Northern, Middle, and was now mostly directed. The best India cotton would Western States, cry out for protection; having no for not bring more than 14 or 15 cents, while it was stated eign, they must seek a home market, in home manufac- by a gentleman in South Carolina, that a planter had, tures. By referring to our commerce and navigation even this season, when the price was unusually low, sold for the year 1826, it would be seen that the total exports his Sea Island cotton at $1 433 per pound; with this of domestic productions from the State of Pennsylvania, there could be no competition; therefore they had nothing having twenty-six Representatives on this floor, amount to fear from any part of the world. Gentlemen in the ed to only $3,158,711, while those of South Carolina, South had, in 1824, when the tariff was under debate, with but nine Representatives, amounted to $7,468,966, expressed the same apprehensions. We were then told, our exports of cotton had increased within the last eight as now, that if the bill passed, Great Britain would cease or nine years, from 81 to 203,000,000 pounds, while the to purchase their cotton, that she would exclude it, &c. imports into three of our Northern cities last year, had The bill passed, and what had been the result? The exceeded their exports by $24,208,753. This shewed, very next year she took nearly double the quantity she in a strong light, the great advantages enjoyed by the had taken the year before; in 1824, she took but 282,Southern cotton-growing States, over the Western and 773 bales, in 1825 she took 425,195 bales. If such were Middle grain-growing States; and yet gentlenen from the effect of the tariff on the cotton trade, it would be the South threaten resistance, a separation of the Union, well for the South if we passed a tariff every year; thus and God knows what all, if Pennsylvania and her sister the predictions of the enemies of the tariff had been hapStates of the North attempt to relieve themselves by es- pily defeated in every instance. They told us in 1824, tablishing domestic manufactures, to consume their wool, it would destroy the revenue; it had increased it: they grain, and other provisions, instead of sending their last told us it would raise the prices of goods; they had fallen dollar to import them from Great Britain, who refuses more than 30 per cent.: they told us it would destroy the to take a dollar's worth of any thing from them in return. British market for our cotton; it had increased nearly 100 He would appeal to the magnanimity and to the justice per cent. These prophecies are now repeated, every day, of the gentlemen from the South, and ask them if they and with no better reason; the results would again prove could reconcile it to their own consciences, thus to force them false prophets, and the gentlemen themselves, as so great a portion of their fellow-citizens to remain in po- friends of their country, ought, as he had no doubt they verty, and dependence on a foreign Power acting so un- would, rejoice in the disappointment of their own gloomy justly towards them. These States having the power to foreboding. relieve themselves, would be false and faithless to them. selves and their posterity, if they did not exert it; and instead of resisting, he thought their brethren of the South should lend them a helping hand-they would ul timately find a surer and a better market for their cotton in New England, than they would find in the mother country. But Southern gentlemen appeared apprehensive, that if we take less of British manufactures, she will take less of their cotton, and this idea in fact lay at the foundation of all the violent opposition to this policy in the South; no doubt this was a sincere and honest opinion, but he considered it entirely erroneous. He believed that the South was not dependent on Great Britain for a market; but that Great Britain was in fact dependent upon the South, for a supply of cotton, an article which constituted the basis of her national wealth; she could obtain an adequate supply no where else. If this raw material was As to the effects of manufactures on the agriculture of the country, he would make but a few additional remarks, and in the first place he laid it down as a general rule, established by the experience of all countries, that agriculture had always flourished in proportion to the number and extent of manufactures. Great Britain was admitted, on all hands, to be the greatest manufacturing nation in the world, and the U. States the most agricultural. In England only onethird of the People were engaged in agriculture; in the United States, according to the census of 1810, 7-8 were engaged in this employment-in Great Britain, the consumption of grain alone produced in that small island, not as large as some of the States of this Union, was equal to $18,000,000 every week; more than double our exports of flour and grain of all kinds to all the world. If she would take one week's supply from us, we would be satisfied. To show the beneficial effects of manufactures on the value and productions of land, he would contrast the United States and Great Britain, one being the most agricultural, and the other the most manufacturing nation in the world, which he thought would place the matter in a just and clear light : In England, No. employed m agriculture. Whole Number of 1-3 15,000,000 U. States, 7-8 12,000,000 2-5 Ireland, 7,000,000 Virginia, 9-10 1,000,000 Value per Acre. No. of Acres to each person. 32,000,000 $241 2 4 53 646,000,000 3 5 41 [H. OF R. more revenue into the Exchequer every year than was paid by the whole People of the United States; and if he would look back to the year 1814, during our war, when every nerve was strained in this country, and taxes were imposed on almost every thing, with all our exports, we were able to raise only 544 millions dollars, and 23 millions of this by loans, while Ireland raised in the same year 82 millions, more than double that of the United States-39 millions of which was raised by taxes, and 43 by loans. Such were the facts which history furnished; and however humiliating they might be to our pride, it was proper that we should look at them, inquire into the causes, and correct the ruinous and paralyzing course of policy which had led us to these extraordinary and painful results. The remedy, he thought, was easy and obvious; it was at hand-cherish and protect our own industry-protect it against all foreign competition; in short, to put the country on its own resources, instead of looking abroad for what we ought and can furnish at home. This is the true secret of the Here was exhibited by a few facts the most conclu- system that enabled Great Britain to stand under a bursive and irresistible evidence of the powerful influence den which we could not sustain for a single hour. Look of manufactures, in sustaining agriculture. In England, at her enormous debt of 3,775 millions of dollars, conwhere nearly two-thirds of the People were manufac-tracted during a war of nearly 23 years, waged against turers, land was worth, on an average, $241 per acre; the colossal power of Napoleon, the interest of which while in the United States, where not more than one alone amounted, annually, to more than five times the eigthth of the People were employed in manufactures, whole revenue of the United States. Great Britain the land, on an average, was not worth more than $4 adopted none of the maxims of our Southern Anti-Taper acre; other causes, it was true, had their influence, riff politicians, who contend that we should "buy where but this was the most important and influential. we can buy cheapest." She compels her manufacturers to consume British bread and no other, though it were offered to them for nothing. So far as free trade will make other nations tributary to her, she is willing to adopt it, but no further. This was the part of wisdom, and he hoped yet to see this nation adopt a similar policy. of action, and thus became consumers instead of producers; customers instead of rivals; and because British manufactures were then excluded, and the millions of dollars before sent abroad, were kept in active circulation at home. Wretched, indeed, must be that policy which makes war a blessing and peace a curse to the The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] had given us a description of the miseries of Ireland, a People who, he said, "lived on the potato, the whole potato, and nothing but the potato;" who he described as the lazaroni, who were reduced to the "minimum and pessimum of human existence." Let the gentle man, however, for a moment compare the resources of Why was the price of agricultural produce high dur that country with his own native State, the Ancient Do- ing the late war? Why was money plenty? And why minion, and perhaps he would not think so contemptibly did industry every where enjoy an ample reward? The of the Irish character. In Ireland, two-fifths of the Peo- reasons are obvious; it was because a part of our surplus ple only were engaged in agriculture, yet they export-agricultural laborers were drawn off to another theatre ed more grain and flour than the whole United States put together, though it was not half as large as the State of Virginia. If the gentleman would look at the exports of Ireland in the year 1823, he would find that her exports of flour and grain amounted to nine millions of dollars, while the whole exports of the United States, of these articles, amounted to only 64 millions, leav-country. ing a balance in favor of Ireland of 2 millions. In the same year, her exports of animals and animal productions was 16 millions: while those of the United States amounted to only 2 millions, leaving in her favor a balance of 14 millions, which made an excess of grain and animal food exported, more than the United States, of 16 millions of dollars-about three to one. Her exports of butter alone amounted to 8 millions, while our whole exports of flour, grain, meat, provisions, spirits, &c. amounted to only 9 millions to all the world! Yet her population was not half, and her territory not one-thirtieth part ours. There they had less than three, and here we had more than fifty acres to each individual; there only two-fifths, and here nearly seven-eighths were engaged in agriculture; yet their agricultural exports of grain and provisions amounted, in 1823, to more than double those of the whole United States. After this statement of facts, which the gentleman could not controvert or deny, how, he would ask, would old Vir ginia, as to resources, compare with Ireland, the land of the "lazaroni?" This was the effect of manufactures and of persevering industry. But this was not all-by referring to the financial history of Ireland, the gentleman from Virginia would also find, that the People of Ireland actually paid VOL. IV.-141 Mr. S. said he had examined the bill under consideration with all the attention of which he was capable, and which his situation had permitted, and he thought the burdens which the bill, as reported, would impose on the manufacturer, would not be compensated by corresponding benefits. He trusted, however, it would be so amended as to benefit the country, benefit the farmers, and save the manufacturers from the ruin which impended over them, and which must soon and certainly fall upon and crush them, unless shielded and protected by the strong arm of government. Mr. S. said he would detain the committee no longer; he had exhausted his own strength, and no doubt their patience. After thanking the Ilouse for the attention with which he had been heard, he took his seat. Mr. KREMER delivered a short speech in opposition to the amendment, but in favor of a moderate system of protection. Mr. WRIGHT, of New-York, said, he would trouble the House but a few moments. I have very frequently before, (said Mr. W.) as I have to-day, listened to the observations of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEWART] and I have not, upon this occasion, at least, heard any thing offered, by the way of argument, which I can suppose it at all necessary for me to answer. No can I suppose it necessary for me to vindicate my motives, I have said, Mr. Speaker, all I proposed to say by way of reply to the gentleman. I had not intended, and 1 shall not attempt any answer at length to any thing offered by him; nor shall I say any thing by way of self-defence against any of the allusions or reasoning of the honorable member. : | [APRIL 8, 1828. not the only comparison the gentleman has brought to urge us to the support of this system. He has presented us with the condition of poor, miserable, oppressed Ireland, and that too is urged as an example for our imitation. Will it be urged as good policy to reduce these States to the condition of Ireland Shall we be told that because Ireland exports more than the United States she is the more prosperous country? If not, why is the comparison introduced? I renounce this doctrine, sir, as repulsive and odious to the free people of this community. I really hope the state of Ireland may not be taken as the result of policy such as is recommended by this bill. Could I believe that such would be its tendency or its effect, could I even think it possible that this bill, or the system it pursues, would reduce this country to that situ ation, I never would vote for it. But, sir, it will not be 90. The comparison is not applicable, and the argument drawn from it is not sound. Such consequences will not follow, unless the monopoly system of certain gentlemen shall be adopted. One single observation more. The gentleman tells us that the bill, if adopted, is calculated to injure the interests of agriculture. What will be the effect of the amendment of the gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. MALLARY] and which the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. STEWART] advocates, if that is adopted? It will be to reduce the present duty upon wool. The gentleman has talked much of the necessity of protection against the skill of England. If he had been fortunate enough to have been able to keep his place in the House during this debate, or if he had read the testimony of the manufacturers, taken before the committee, he would have learned that no such protection is required; he would have seen that the protection required is against the difference in price of the raw wool, which is much cheaper abroad than it is here, and that the manufacturers swear the cloth can be made as cheap in this country as it can in England, if the wool is the same. Will the gentleman, then, protect the farmers of his District by reducing the present duty upon their wool, and thus, take away the protection they now have? Such will be the effect of the measure he advocates, and such protection, sir, will not be accepta. ble to the farmers of my district. Such is not the pro. tection I will offer them Mr. STEWART rejoined, and explained his former remarks, contending that they had been grossly misunder• stood, or misapprehended. I am already aware of the views of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEWART.] He has, upon a former occasion, declared upon this floor, and in his place, that he never had, and that he never would vote against any tariff bill, or against any bill for internal improvements. Why, then, should I spend the time of the House in reasoning with him? Why should I answer his arguments against this bill, when he has told us he will not vote against any bill upon the subject? Why should I pretend to persuade him not to do what he has officially declared he never will do? No, sir, I will not so waste our time. I must, however, notice some few things he has said, and with one view only to rescue this bill, and the proposed amendment, from the dangerous arguments of that ardent advocate. I have long been aware that there are men in this country who look back to our colonial existence with pleasure; and who would even now see many things in that condition to be preferred to our present situation. Yet, Mr. Speaker, I have been told from my Mr. OAKLEY suggested to Mr. MALLARY, an objec· childhood, and I have believed it to be true, that we tion as to the legal effect of the wording of his amend have been and are a prosperous, free, and happy people. ment, as taken in connexion with the first clause of the That has not generally been said with reference to our bill. The clause says, "that, from and after the 30th day colonial state. I now understand the gentleman, how- of June, 1828, in lieu of the duties now imposed by law, ever, to measure our prosperity by the amount of our on the importation of the articles hereinafter mentioned, exports, and to state that this trade, and consequently there shall be levied, collected, and paid, the following the balance of prosperity, is in favor of our situation as duties, that is to say;" and the first paragraph of Mr. MALcolonies. The gentleman, further to convince this body | LARY's amendment, commences with these words: "On that they should sustain and support the protecting sys- all wool unmanufactured, the actual value of which, at the tem, compares our s'tuation with that of England, and tells place whence imported, shall exceed eight cents per pound us-what? Why, that England, in one single year, rais-twenty cents per pound;" and Mr.OAKLEY contended that ́ed a poor fund of 30 millions. How? By means of her the effect of these two clauses taken in connexion would manufactories. For whose benefit? To support the be to abolish the existing duties on wool under eight cents. poor of England. Would the gentleman then have us to Mr. MALLARY said, that it had not been his intention transfer ourselves to that condition? Would he urge to produce such an effect, and expressed a different opinus to reduce ourselves to the necessity of raising so enor-ion from that of Mr. OAKLEY, as to the legal interpretation mous a tax, and that only for the support of our poor? of the two clauses thus connected. Such, sir, are not the arguments I would use in favor of this bill. I will ask the gentleman, are the citizens of this country, at this moment, willing to change places with the Englishman? Would they exchange their freedom, their prosperity, or even their wealth, with him? Nay, sir, would they exchange that miserable policy, as the gentleman terms it, for the policy of the British Government! No, they would not. This however, is Mr. OAKLEY replied, and insisted that such would be the effect. Cries for the question were now loud in all parts of the House, when Mr. BARNARD, with a view of giving the gentleman from Vermont a fuller opportunity to examine the legal question which had been started, moved that the House do now adjourn. APRIL 9, 1828.] The motion was negatived. Tariff Bill. And the question being then put on the amendment of Mr. MALLARY, it was rejected, by yeas and nays, as follows: [H. of R. might render it impolitic that the facts of the case should at this moment be disclosed. The clause, at all events, could do no harm; and, as the gentleman from Georgia seemed unwilling to adopt his suggestion as a modification, he would move it as an amendinent. Mr. GILMER said, that the cause of complaint in this case had already been examined into, and reported upon by the Government; and as the reasons urged by the gentleman from New Hampshire did not apply, he hoped the motion would be withdrawn. Mr. THOMPSON stated, that when the resolution had been introduced some time since, inquiring into the reasons of breaking a certain Indian Chief, this subject had been partially presented to the notice of the House; but not in so distinct a manner as he could wish. The Secretary of War, in his report to the President, speaks of the charges having been brought against this Agent by the Creeks themselves. [Here Mr. T. quoted the report.] He said his object was to get at what these charges were, and what had been reported by the Department upon them. He thought the clause entirely superfluous. If the production of these charges would at present be injurious to the public welfare, the President, of course, would withhold them. YEAS.-Messrs. Allen, Mass. Anderson, Pa. Bailey, Baldwin, Barber, Conn. Barker, Barnard, Barney, Bart. lett, Bartley, Bates, Mass. Beecher, Blake, Brown, Buckner, Back, Burges, Butman, Chase, Clark, Ky. Condict, Creighton, Crowninshield, Davenport, Ohio, Davis, Mass. Dickerson, Dorsey, Dwight, Everett, Garnsey, Gorham, Healy, Hodges, Hunt, Ingersoll, Jennings, Johns, Lawrence, Leffler, Letcher, Little, Locke, Mallary, Markell, Martindale, Marvin, McLean, Merwin, Miner, O'Brien, Pearce, Phelps, Pierson, Plant, Reed, Richardson, Russell, Sloane, Smith, Indiana, Sprague, Stewart, Strong, Storrs, Swann, Taylor, Thompson, N.'J.Tracy, Tucker, N. J. Vance, Varnum, Vinton, Wales, Ward, Whipple, Whittlesey, Wilson, Pa. Silas Wood, Woods, Ohio, Woodcock, Wright, Ohio,-80. NAYS.-Messrs. Addams, Alexander, Allen, Va. Anderson, Maine, Archer, Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Phillip P. Barbour, Barlow, Barringer, Bates, Missouri, Belden, Bell, Blair, Brent, ¡Bryan, Buchanan, Bunner, Cambreleng, Carson, Carter, Chilton, Claiborne, Clark, N. Y. Conner, Coulter, Crockett, Culpeper, Daniel, Davenport, Va. Davis, S. C. De Graff, Desha, Drayton, Duncan, Earll, Findlay, Floyd, Va. Floyd, Geo. Fort, Forward, Fry, Garrow, Gilmer, Green, Gurley, Haile, Hallock, Hall, Hamilton, Harvey, Haynes, Hobbie, Hoffman, Holmes, Isacks, Keese, King, Kremer, Lecompte, Lea, Livingston, Long, Lumpkin, Lyon, Magee, Marable, Martin, Maxwell, McCoy, McDuffie, McHatton, Mr. THOMPSON replied, that the charges he referMcIntire, McKean, McKee, Mercer, Metcalfe, Mitchell, red to had been preferred since the period to which that Pa. Mitchell, Tenn. Moore, Ky. Moore, Alabama, New- book referred. The gentleman now at the head of the ton, Nuckolls, Oakley, Orr, Owen, Polk, Ramsey, Rip-Indian Bureau had heard of them in his late Southern ley, Rives, Roane, Shepperd, Smyth, Va. Sprigg, Stan- excursion. berry, Stevenson, Pa. Sterigere, Stower, Sutherland, Thompson, Geo. Trezvant, Tucker, S. C. Turner, Van Horn, Verplanck, Washington, Weems, Wickliffe, WilJiams, John J. Wood, Wolf, Wright, N. Y. Yancey-115. Mr. STEVENSON, of Pennsylvania, now moved to amend the bill: But before any decision was had on his motion, The House adjourned. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9, 1828. The resolution following, moved by Mr. THOMPSON, of Geo. yesterday, and laid on the table, was read: "Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to send to the House of Representatives, copies of any charges which have been preferred against the United States Agent for the Creek tribe of Indians, since the 1st of January, 1826, with the name of the person, or persons, by whom such charges (if any) have been made; and also, that the President be requested to inform this House, whether such charges, (if made) have been inquired into by order of the President, or the Department of War, and if so, by whom, and under what instructions, and what report was made in pursuance thereof." Mr. BARTLETT suggested to the gentleman from Georgia the propriety of inserting in his resolution the usual clause, "if not inconsistent with the public welfare." Mr. THOMPSON replied, that, if the thought had ever entered his mind that it could be possible that answering this call would be inconsistent with the public interest, he should have inserted such a clause when he drafted the-resolution; and if the gentleman from New Hamp. shire would state in what manner the public interest could be injured by an answer to this call, he should have no objection to inserting the clause. Mr. BARTLETT replied, that the resolution referred to a charge against a Public Agent, and circumstances The question was then taken on the amendment of Mr. BARTLETT, and it was adopted. Mr. HAILE said, that all the charges inquired for by this resolution had, as he understood, been already published, in a large book on the Georgia Question, which was before the House. The question being put, the resolution of Mr. THOMP son was adopted. THE TARIFF BILL. The House then resumed the consideration of the Ta riff bill, together with the amendments thereto reported by the Committee of the Whole; and the question recurring on the motion of Mr. STEVENSON, of Pennsylvania, made yesterday, to amend the bill in the 2d paragraph of the 1st section, line 10, by inserting the words "and bolt," so as to make the section read," on bar and bolt iron, made wholly or in part by rolling, thirty seven dollars per ton,' Mr. STEVENSON briefly explained that the amendment was only intended to make the language of the bill correspond with the language of the existing law. If this should not be done, the duty on bolt iron would be repealed. Mr. BARNEY remarked, that each succeeding morning presented a new proposition to extend the sphere of this bill. It was but yesterday that we were invoked to augment the duty on foreign spirits, annually imported into the country, one million of dollars, viz : 30 cents per gallon, on 3,300,000 gallons. By exposing to the House the amount involved in this proposition, be had contributed in reducing the tax to 15 cents, or half a million of dollars, and would esteem himself singularly fortunate, should the same successful result follow his exertions to-day, Have we not gone far enough, Mr. Speaker, in imposing burthens on the nation? It has been decided to augment the duty on molasses, $700,000; on spirits, $500,000; on iron, $100,000; wool and woollens, 3 to $400,000; hemp, flax, cordage, can. vass, cotton bagging, steel, &c. 2 to $300,000; making an aggregate, exceeding two millions of dollars-and to benefit whom? The manufacturer? No, sir. The agriculturist, planter, farmer, mechanic, ship builder? No, sir. H. OF R.] Tariff Bill. [APRIL 9, 1828. The iron master stands alone in the benefits to be derived [the mechanic, the manufacturer, and the laborer, and from our labors, to protect the interests of the country; thereby enlarge the ample possessions of the wealthy unlike the manufacturer," who no revenue hath, save iron master. his good name;" who proves, under the solemn obliga. I am aware that there are many sceptics as to the praction of an oath, that year after year he has toiled in vain, ticability of rail roads to any beneficial extent. I was one sustaining himself in adversity with hope, “which springs of them, until a personal examination of every work of eternal in the human breast," that each succeeding Con- the kind in operation in this country, removed all my gress would extend to him that protection, without doubts on this subject, and I am now under the firm conwhich, ruin must be his ultimate doom; unlike him, I re-viction, that, while we are railed at by unbelievers, we peat, we find the iron master in possession of boundless shall railway to the Ohio, that will make converts of a wealth; his forges and furnaces yielding a clear income whole nation. Sir, if rail roads and inclined planes be of thousands and tens of thousands. This is not an asser- not the screw and the lever of Archimedes, by which to tion drawn from the furnace of a heated imagination, move a world—they are destined to produce a revolution prolific in invention-as liquid metal, in a state of fusion, in this Western hemisphere that will annihilate space, is productive to the possessor--but an undeniable fact, and, by causing the lofty Alleghany to bow its head to the which the gentlemen from Pennsylvania must admit, from supremacy of human ingenuity--bring the waters of the their own knowledge of the princely estates enjoyed by Ohio in such close proximity to the Atlantic, that the prodistinguished individuals in that Commonwealth. ducts of Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Indies, discharged one day on the shores of the Chesapeake, shall, before the next setting sun be deposited on the banks of the Ohio, and thus Cincinnati, the Queen of the West, become emphatically a seaport town. And now to the proof. In England, more than two thousand miles are in successful operation-a late English paper states; This additional duty appears entirely gratuitous, thrown in as a make weight, not to buy golden opinions from all men, but to propitiate votes, in favour of the most ironhearted bill that ever engrossed the attention of a delibe. rate body, for six successive weeks. Sir, the recklessness of consequences, with which it proposes to scuttle ships, is only surpassed by the ferocity with which it resolves to slaughter sheep. Already is every bolt, rope, and nail, used in ship building, taxed to the utmost farthing that commerce can bear, and still we must go on inventing new sources of imposition. In the construction of a ship of 300 tons, the following quantity of iron is required, viz. : for fitting and rigging, 6,470 lbs. ; anchors, 4,100 lbs.; chain cable, of 90 fathoms, and fixtures, 9,500 lbs. ; spikes, 9,000 lbs.; bolts, 10,000| lbs. ; and if iron fastened, 4,600 lbs. additional; making in all 43,670 lbs. The minutes of evidence by which we are impelled to action, prove, in answer to queries addressed to Mr. Joseph Jackson, of New Jersey, page 33, that the business of making iron has increased within the last two or three years--new works have been erected, and a few of the old been revived-and the Hon. Richard Keese testifies, that, in the State of New York, several important establishments, erected during the war, and subsequently declined, have, within two or three years, revived again very considerably, and new works been erected. It is undeniably a most unpropitious moment to select for the adoption of this measure, affecting in its operation a system of Internal Improvement, destined to form a new era in our national prosperity. We find that, to facilitate intercourse between the re respective States, Rail Roads have been resorted to in every section of the Union. In South Carolina, from Charleston to Hamburg, and Augusta. In New York, from Albany to Boston, and Schenectady. Catskill to Ithaca and Owego-from the Deleware and Hudson Canal to the Lakawaxen Coal Mines. In Massachusetts, from the Quincy quarries to navigable water, 3 miles in extent, aiready completed. In New Jersey, from the Delaware to the Raritan. In Pennsylvania, from Mauch Chunk Coal Mountains, to the Lehigh River, now in successful operation, and many others projected and sanctioned by Legislative en actment. A new Railway, of 25 miles, from the Collieries in Durham County to London, was opened in the beginning of October. A coach with the committee, 21 wagons with passengers, and 12 wagons with coal, weighing altogether, about 90 tons, were attached to a locomotive engine built by Mr. J. Stephenson, and the immense train travelled at the rate of about eight miles an hour! There were nearly six hundred passengers. Opening of the Stockton and Darlington Railway.—The formal opening of that stupendous work, which effects a communication between the port of Stockton and the coal field in the interior parts of this county, took place on Tuesday last. About 8 o'clock, thirteen wagons, twelve of them laden with two tons of coal each, and the other with sacks of flour, the whole covered with people, were drawn up the inclined plane at Brusselton, in admirable style. This inclined plane is 3,000 yards, or above a mile and a half long, yet, by means of the two powerful steam engines erected at its top, (each being thirty horse power,) the wagons, with their immense load, were drawn up in eight minutes, by a patent rope, in one piece, which extends the whole length. After remaining a short time at the top of the inclined plane, the wagons descended the other side of the hill from the permanent engine, and took their station on the level below. From the Helton collieries to the town of Sunderland, on a rail road of 7 miles, an elevation and depression of 812 feet is overcome with perfect ease. On the Peak Forrest and Bromford road, the ascent and descent exceeds 1700 feet. The Manchester and Liverpool rail road is in rapid progress, as will be seen by the following statement: A tem. "The work proceeds with spirit and success porary railway has just been laid over the whole length of the Moss, (a Morass at Chatmoss,) which serves to bring on the materials, and to convey the work people and superintendents with great facility. Every morning and evening the wagons are seen hurrying along; a single man will convey, by this means, eight or ten of his fellow workmen, at the rate of six miles an hour, with ease, and, one active fellow, more swift of foot than his comIn Maryland, one from Baltimore to the Ohio, another panions, last week pushed a wagon containing ten pasto the Susquehannah, at York Haven, a third to this city, sengers, across the Moss, a distance of four miles and a and a fourth from the Chesapeake to the Delaware Bay-half, in the short period of thirty minutes." requiring at least one hundred thousand tons of iron, which cannot be obtained in this country without delay. ing the completion of those important works for many years, and which, when obtained, must have the effect to raise the price of every ploughshare, axe, spade, shovel, pick, and hammer, required by the planter, the farmer, This work was undertaken alongside of, and in competition with, the celebrated canal of the Duke of Bridge. water, which annually produces a net revenue of 80 to 100,000 pounds sterling, near half a million of dollars, and with a knowledge that he has it in his power to reduce the tolls to one-tenth of their present rates; it is |