title, Sogdiani; but the identity of the three places | alone ascribes to it a still earlier origin, and says it is by no means certain. 2. One of the royal palaces of the kings of Persia, situated, according to Strabo (xv. p. 728), in the upper country of Persis. According to Ptolemy (vi. 4. §7) it must have been situated at no great distance from the Pasargadae. The name is probably connected with the district Gabiene, which was in Susiana, and may not unlikely have comprehended a part of Persis. [V.] GABALA (Γάβα, Γάβαλα), a place in Galilee fortified by Herod the Great (Joseph. B. J. xv. 9. § 5), supposed to be identical with Gamala. [GAMALA.] [G. W.] GABALENE. [GEBALENE.] GA'BALI or GABALES (гabáλeis, Strab. p. 191). "The Ruteni and the Gabales," says Strabo, "border on the Narbonitis." In Caesar's time the Gabali were under the supremacy of the Arverni. (B. G. vii. 75.) In another passage, he speaks of the "Gabalos proximosque pagos Arvernorum" (B. G. vii. 64). Their position is in a mountainous country between the Arverni and the Helvii. It corresponds to the Gévaudan of the ante-revolutionary history of France, a name derived from the middle-age term Gavaldanum, and nearly to the present department of Lozère. There were silver mines in the country of the Ruteni and Gabali (Strabo). The cheese of this country was famed at Rome (Plin. xi. 42); it came from the "Lesorae Gabalicique pagi." The Lesora is the mountain Lozère. Sidonius Apollonaris (Carm. xxiv. 27) says, "Tum terram Gabalum satis nivosam." A large part of it is a cold, mountainous country. The chief town of the Gabali, according to Ptolemy, is Anderitum. [ANDERITUM.] [G. L.] GABAZA, a district of Sogdiana apparently from the description of Curtius, who states that Alexander's army suffered much there from the severity of the cold in the northern part of that province (viii. 4. §1). [GABAE, No. 1.] It must have been between the 40th and 42nd parallels of N. lat., and near the furthest limit northward of Alexander's march. [V.] GABIE'NE (Tabinvh, Strab. xvi. p. 745), one of the three eparchies into which Elymais was divided in ancient times: the other two were Mesabatica and Corbiana. It appears from the notice in Strabo that Gabiene was in the direction of Susa. It is mentioned in the wars of Alexander's successors, Antigonus having attempted to cut off Eumenes in that locality, and Eumenes having succeeded in wintering there in spite of the enemy. (Diod. xix. 26, 34; Plut. Eumen. 15; Polyaen. Strat. iv. 6. § 13.) [V.] GA'BII (гábio: Eth. rábios, Gabinus: Castiglione), an ancient city of Latium, situated between 12 and 13 miles from Rome on the road to Praeneste, and close to a small volcanic lake now called the Lago di Castiglione. All accounts represent it as a Latin city, and both Virgil and Dionysius expressly term it one of the colonies of Alba. (Virg. Aen. vi. 773; Serv. ad loc.; Dionys. iv. 53.) Solinus | was founded by two Siculian brothers, Galatus and Bius, from whose combined names that of the city was derived. (Solin. 2. § 10.) In the early history of Rome it figures as one of the most considerable of the Latin cities, and Dionysius expressly tells us (l. c.) that it was one of the largest and most populous of them all. According to a tradition preserved both by him and Plutarch, it was at Gabii that Romulus and Remus received their education, a proof that it was believed to have been a flourish ing city at that early period. (Dionys. i. 84; Plut. Rom. 6.) Yet no subsequent mention occurs of it in history during the regal period of Rome till the reign of Tarquinius Superbus. At that time Gabii appears as wholly independent of Rome, and incurred the hostility of Tarquinius by affording shelter to fugitives and exiles from Rome and other cities of Latium. But it was able successfully to withstand the arms of Tarquin, who only succeeded in making himself master of the city by stratagem and by the treachery of his son Sextus, who contrived to be received at Gabii as a fugitive, and then made use of the influence he obtained there to betray the city into the hands of his father. (Liv. i. 53, 54; Dionys. iv. 53–58; Val. Max. vii. 4. § 2; Ovid, Fast. ii. 690-710.) The treaty concluded on this occasion between Rome and Gabii was among the most ancient monuments preserved in the former city: it is evidently one of those alluded to by Horace as the "foedera regum Cum Gabiis aut cum rigidis aequata Sabinis," and was preserved on a wooden shield in the temple of Jupiter Fidius at Rome. (Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 25; Dionys. iv. 58.) Its memory is also recorded by a remarkable coin of the Antistia Gens, a family which appears to have derived its origin from Gabü. (Eckhel, vol. v. p. 137.) Whatever were the relations thus established between the two states, they did not long subsist: Sextus Tarquinius took refuge at Gabii after his expulsion from Rome, and, though according to Livy (i. 60) he was soon after murdered by his enemies there, we find the name of the Gabians among the Latin cities which combined against the Romans before the battle of Regillus. (Dionys. v. 61.) We may hence conclude that they at this time really formed part of the Latin League, and were doubtless included in the treaty concluded by that body with Sp. Cassius in B. C. 493. (Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 17.) From this time their name is but rarely men. tioned; and, whenever they appear in history, it is as allies or dependents of Rome. Thus in B. C. 462 we are told that their territory was ravaged by the Volscians (Liv. iii. 8) in a predatory incursion against Rome; and in B. c. 381 they suffered in like manner from the incursions of their neighbours the Praenestines, who were at that time on hostile terms with the Republic (Id. vi. 21). Even in the last great struggle of the Latins for independence, no mention occurs of Gabii, nor have we any account of the terms or conditions on which it was admitted to the position in which we subsequently find it, of a Roman municipium. In B. C. 211 it is again mentioned on occasion of Hannibal's march against Rome (Liv. xxvi. 9); and an incidental notice of it occurs in B. c. 176 (Id. xli. 16): but, with these exceptions, we hear little more of it in history. In B. C. 41, however, we find it selected for a conference between Octavian and L. Antonius, probably on account of its position midway between Rome and Praeneste. (Appian, B. C. v. 23.) But long before this period it had ceased to be a place of importance and appears to have fallen into complete decay. We learn, indeed, that the dictator Sulla restored its walls, and divided its territory among his veterans (Lib. Colon. p. 234); but this measure, if it did not accelerate its decline, at least did nothing to arrest it: and in B. C. 54 we find Cicero speaking of Gabii among the towns of Latium which were so poor and decayed | that they could hardly take their accustomed part in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount. (Cic. pro Planc. 9.) Dionysius also attests its decayed condition at a somewhat later period, and tells us that in his time the greater part of the space enclosed within the ancient walls was no longer inhabited, though the traffic along the high road (the Via Praenestina) preserved the adjacent parts of the town from depopulation (iv. 53). This distinct statement explains, at the same time that it confirms, the expressions of poets of the Augustan age, which would otherwise give an exaggerated idea of its state of desolation. Thus Horace calls it a "deserted village," and Propertius speaks as if it were almost devoid of inhabitants. (Hor. Ep.i. 11.7; Propert. v. 1.34.) The still stronger expressions of Lucan (vii. 392) are scarcely meant to be historical. Juvenal also repeatedly alludes to it as a poor country town, retaining much of rustic simplicity, and in imitation of Horace couples its name with that of Fidenae. (Juv. iii. 189, vi. 56, x. 100.) But we know from other sources, that it had been considerably revived at this period; it is not improbable that its cold sulphureous waters, which are already noticed by Horace (Ep. i. 15. 9), had become a source of attraction, but the monuments and inscriptions which have been recently discovered on the site, prove that it not only continued to exist as a municipal town, but recovered to a considerable extent from its previous decay. This revival, which appears to have commenced as early as the reign of Tiberius, was greatly accelerated by Hadrian, and continued under his immediate successors down to the commencement of the third century. From this time all trace of the town disappears; though it is probable that the bishops of Gabii, mentioned in early ecclesiastical documents down to the 7th century, belong to this city, rather than to a Sabine Gabii, of which nothing else is known. (Visconti, Monum. Gabini, pp. 7—14; Nibby, Dintorni, vol. ii. pp. 76-78.) The site of Gabii is clearly fixed by the statements of Dionysius and Strabo, that it was distant 100 stadia from Rome, on the Via Praenestina, with which the Itineraries, that place it 12 M. P. from the city, closely accord. (Dionys. iv. 53; Strab. v. p. 238; Itin. Ant. p. 302; Tab. Peut.) Strabo correctly adds that it was just about equidistant from Rome and Praeneste; and as the ruins of an ancient temple have always remained to mark the spot, it is strange that its site should have been mistaken by the earlier Italian topograpliers, who (before Cluverius) transferred it to Gallicano or La Colonna. The temple just mentioned stands in a commanding position on a gentle eminence, a short distance on the left of the ancient road, the line of which is clearly marked by its still existing pavement: and the site of the ancient city may be readily traced, occupying the whole ridge of hill from thence to an eininence on the N. of the lake, which probably formed the ancient citadel, and is crowned by the ruins of a mediaeval fortress, now known as Castiglione. Some remains of the walls may be still observed near this castle: their extent, to which Dionysius appeals as proof of the former greatness of Gabii, is considerable, the circuit being about three miles, but the ridge nowhere exceeds half a mile in breadth. The only ancient edifice now visible is the temple already noticed, which has been supposed, with much probability, to be that of Juno, who, as we learn from Virgil and his constant imitator Silius Italicus, was the tutelary deity of Gabii. (Virg. Aen. vii. 682; Sil. Ital. xii. 537.) Livy, however, notices also a temple of Apollo in the ancient city (xli. 16), and the point is by no means clear. The existing edifice is of a simple style of construction, built wholly of Gabian stone, and with but little ornament. It much resembles the one still remaining at Aricia; and is probably, like that, a work of Roman times [ARICIA], though it has been often ascribed to a much earlier date. Nothing else now remains above ground; but excavations made in the year 1792 brought to light the seats of a theatre (or rather, perhaps, ranges of semicircular seats adapted to supply the place of one) just below the temple, facing the Via Praenestina, -and a short distance from it, immediately adjoining the high road, were found the remains of the Forum, the plan of which might be distinctly traced: it was evidently a work of Imperial times, surrounded with porticoes on three sides, and adorned with statues. The inscriptions discovered in the same excavations were of considerable interest, as illustrating the municipal condition of Gabii under the Roman Empire; and numerous works of art, statues, busts, &c., many of them of great merit, proved that Gabii must have risen, for a time at least, to a position of considerable splendour. Both the inscriptions and sculptures, which are now in the Museum of the Louvre, are fully described and illustrated by Visconti. (Monumenti Gabini, Roma, 1797, and Milan, 1835.) Gabii was noted in ancient times for its stone, known as the "lapis Gabinus," a hard and compact variety of the volcanic tufo or peperino common throughout the Roman Campagna: it closely resembles the “lapis Albanus," but is of superior qua lity, and appears to have been extensively employed by the Romans as a building-stone from the earliest ages down to that of Augustus and Nero. (Strab. v. p. 238; Tac. Ann. xv. 43; Nibby, Roma Antica, vol. i. p. 240.) It is singular that no allusion is found in any ancient writer to the lake of Gabii: this is a circular basin of small extent, which must at one time have formed the crater of an extinct volcano ; it immediately adjoins the ridge occupied by the ancient city, which in fact forms part of the outer rim of the crater. Pliny, however, alludes to the volcanic character of the soil of Gabii, which caused it to sound hollow as one rode over it. (Plin. ii. 94.) A strong confirmation of the ancient importance of Gabii is found in the fact that the Romans borrowed from thence the mode of dress called the Cinctus Gabinus, which was usual at sacrifices and on certain other solemn occasions. (Virg. Aen. vii. 612; Serv. ad loc.; Liv. v. 46, &c.) Still more remarkable is it that, according to the rules of the Augurs, the "Ager Gabinus" was set apart as something distinct both from the Ager Romanus and Ager Peregrinus. (Varr. L. L. v. 33.) The road leading from Rome to Gabii was originally called the VIA GABINA, a name which occurs twice in the earlier books of Livy (iii. 6, v. 49), but appears to GABROMAGUS, a town in the interior of Noricum, on the south of the river Anisus. It is identified by some with Lietzen, on the Inn, and by others with Windish-Garstein. (Itin. Ant. p. 276; Tab. Peut.) [L. S.] GABROSENTUM, in Britain, probably the nominative form of the Gabrosente of the Notitia, and the Gabrocentio of the geographer of Ravenna. It was a station along the line of the Vallum (per lineam Valli) and was occupied by the second cohort of the Thracians. The editor of the Monumenta Britannica identifies Gabrosentum with Drumburgh in Cumberland: Mr. Bruce, with Bowness. At Bowness slight traces of the walls of a station may with difficulty be detected, "its southern lines near the church being those which are most apparent.” A small altar, dedicated to Jupiter, by Sulpicius Secundianus, has been dug up at Bowness. [R.G.L] GAD. [PALAESTINA.] have been subsequently merged in that of the Via Praenestina, of which it formed a part. [E. H. B.] GABRANTOVICI. гasрavтoviкwv evλíμevos KÓλTOS is one of the notices in Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 6) of a locality lying between Dunum Sinus (Aovvov KÓλTOS) and Ocellum Promontorium ('OKÉλλov pov). Name for name, and place for place, Dunum is Dun-s-ley Bay near Whitby in Yorkshire. Ocellum is probably Flamborough Head This makes the bay of the Gabrantovici the equivalent to the present Filey Bay. Philipps (in his Mountains and Rivers of Yorkshire) takes this view; which is, probably, the right one. Others, however, and amongst them the editor of the Monumenta Britannica, place it at Burlington, or Hornsea-in which case the Ocellum Promontorium must be Spurn Head. If so, a promontory so important as Flamborough Head has no name in Ptolemy. If so, too, the entrance to the Humber is mentioned twice over -first, as Spurn Head (Gabrantovicorum Sinus), GADAR (Tadap, Isid. Stath. Parth. p.2), appears and next, as the outlets of the river Abus, i. e. the to have been a small place between Nisae and Antiheadland is mentioned, and so are the waters imme-ocheia of Margians. Rennell (Geogr. of Herod. vol. ii. diately in contact with it. This is not the ordinary form of Ptolemy's entries. Hence, the reasoning lies in favour of Filey Bay, strengthened by the fact of the entry in this case being a double one in a single form-Γαβραντουΐκων εὐλίμενος κόλπος. But the "bay with the good harbour" was one thing, the "Gabrantovici" was another: indeed, the form in vici (rather than -vicae or vica) is an assumption. All that we collect from the form of the word is, that the object expressed by the crude form Gabrantovici- was an object of which the name had a plural number. It might be the name of a population; it might be the name of something else. Whatever may have been the real case, it is a word which in the eyes of what may be called the minute ethnologist is one of great interest; since it bears upon a question which, every day, acquires fresh magnitude, viz. the extent to which German or Scandinavian settlements had been made in Britain anterior, not only to the time of Hengist and Horsa, but to the time of Roman conquest. Professor Philipps, and probably others besides the present writer, have believed that German glosses and German forms are to be found in the British part of Ptolemy. Now, if we admit the possibility of Gabrantovic being a German word, we have as a probable analysis of it the participle gebraente (=burnt) and the substantive wie (village, station, bay). What determined the name is uncertain. It might be the presence of a beacon. This, however, is not the main point; the main point is the extent to which it is an equivalent to the modern compound Flam-borough, This, in the mind of the present writer, is not an accident. Further remarks on the question to which this notice relates are found under the words PETUARII and VANDUARII. [R. G. L.] GABRETA or GABRITA SILVA (гaúspηra, гábρiтa, or гábρηта ʊλŋ), a range of mountains in Germany, mentioned by Strabo (vii. p. 292) and Ptolemy (ii. 11. §§ 5, 7, 24) in such a manner as to lead several of the earlier geographers to identify it with the Thüringerwald; but later investigations have shown that the Böhmerwald, in the north of Bavaria, is meant. The name is evidently of Celtic origin (compare the name Vergobretus in Caes. B. G. i. 16), and probably signifies “a woody mountain." [L. S.] p. 390) has conjectured, from the names of two other small places mentioned also by Isidorus, that Gadar is represented now by Gandar or Caendar, called by Abulfeda Kondor, and not improbably one of the later seats of the Gandarii or Gandháras. [V.] GADARA (тà гádapa: Eth. raðapeús, fem. Tadapís), a city of Palestine, accounted the capital of Peraea by Josephus (B. J. iv. 7. § 3), to the SE. of the sea of Tiberias, and 60 stadia distant from the town of Tiberias, on the confines of Tiberias, and of the region of Scythopolis (Vita, §§ 65.9). It is placed by Pliny (v. 16) on the river Hieromax, now the Yarmak; and the district which took its name from it, the Tadaphvwv yn of the Evangelists (St. Mark, v. 1; St. Luke, viii. 26), was the eastern boundary of Galilee (B.J.iii. 3. § 1). Polybius, who records its capture by Antiochus, calls the strongest city in those parts (v. 71, and ap. Joseph. Ant. xii. 3. § 3). It was restored by Pompey (Ant. xiv. 4. § 4), having been shortly before destroyed, and was the seat of one of the five Sanhedrims instituted by Gabinius (Ant. xiv. 5. $4), which is the more remarkable, as it is reckoned one of the Grecian cities (óλes 'EλAnvídes), on which account it was exempted from the jurisdiction of Archelaus (Ant. xvii. 13. § 4, B. J. ii. 6. § 3), and subjected to the prefecture of Syria, although it had oeen granted as a special grace to Herod the Great (B. J. i. 20. § 3). It was one of the first cities taken by the Jews on the outbreak of the revolt (ii. 18. § 1), which act was soon afterwards revenged by its Syrian inhabitants (§ 5); but Vespasian found it in occupation of the Jews, on his first campaign in Galilee, when he took it, and slaughtered all its adult inhabitants, and burnt not only the city itself, but all the villages and towns in the neighbourhood (iii. 7. § 1). It seems to have been again occupied by the Jews, for, on his next campaign in Galilee, it was voluntarily surrendered to the Romans; a measure prompted by a desire of peace, and by fear for their property, for Gadara was inhabited by many wealthy men (iv. 7. § 3). This last observation is in some measure confirmed by the existing remains of the city, among which are the ruins of stately private edifices, as well as of important public buildings. Om Keiss, the ancient Gadara, is situated in the mountains on the east side of the valley of the Jordan, about 6 miles SE. by E. of the sea of Galilee, and to the south of the river Yarmak, the Hieromas of Pliny. The ruins are very considerable. "The walls of the ancient Gadara are still easily discern- | stated that it was a Phoenician word (Dion. Per. ible. Besides the foundations of a whole line of 456; Avien. Ora Marit. 267–269: houses, and the remains of a row of columns which 66 GADE'NI (Taōnvol), in Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy (ii. 3. § 10) as lying to the north of the Damnii. [DAMNII.] Berwickshire, with (perhaps) parts of Roxburgh and Haddington. [R. G. L.] GADES (-IUM; also GADIS, and GADDIS), the Latin form of the name which, in the original Phoenician, was GADIR (or GADDIR), and in the Greek GADEIRA (тà Tádéipa; Ion. гhoeipa, Herod.; and, rarely, Tadeípa, Eratosth. ap. Steph. B. s. v.), and which is preserved in the form Cadiz or Cadix, denotes a celebrated city, as well as the island on which it stood (or rather the islands, and hence the plural form), upon the SW. coast of Hispania Baetica, between the straits and the mouth of the Baetis. (Eth. Tadeipeús, fem. Tadeipis, also, rarely, radeipirns, radeipaîos and Tadeipavós, Steph. B.; Adj. гadeipinós, e. g. with xúpa, Plat. Crit. p. 114, b: Lat. Adj. and Eth. Gaditanus). The fanciful etymologies of the name invented by the Greek and Roman writers, are barely worthy of a passing mention. (Plat. Critias, p. 114, Steph. B. s. v.; Etym. M.; Suid.; Hesych.; Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 64.) The later geographers rightly "Gaddir hic est oppidum : It was the chief Phoenician colony outside the Pillars of Hercules, having been established by them long before the beginning of classical history. (Strab. iii. pp. 148, 168; Diod. Sic. v. 20; Scymn. Ch. 160; Mela, iii. 6. § 1; Plin. v. 19. s. 17; Vell. Paterc. i. 2; Arrian. and Aelian. ap. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 454.) To the Greeks and Romans it was long the westernmost point of the known world; and the island on which it stood (Isla de Leon) was identified with that of Erytheia, where king Geryon fed the oxen which were carried off by Hercules; or, according to some, Erytheia was near Gadeira. (Hesiod. Theog. 287, et seq., 979, et seq.; Herod. iv. 8; Strab. iii. pp. 118, 169; Plin. iv. 21. s. 36; and many others: for a full discussion of the question, see Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1, pp. 240, 241.) The island was also called Aphrodisias, and Cotinussa, and by some both the city and the island were identified with the celebrated TARTESSUS. The early writers give us brief notices of Gades. Herodotus (l. c.) places Gadeira on the ocean, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and near it the island of Erytheia. Scylax states that, among the Iberi, the first people of Europe (on the W.), there are two islands, named Gadeira, of which the one has a city, a day's journey from the Pillars of Hercules. (Scylax, pp. 5, 120, ed. Gronov., pp. 1, 51, ed. Hudson.) Eratosthenes mentioned the city of Gadeira (ap. Steph. B. s. v.), and the "happy island" of Erytheia, in the land of Tartessis, near Calpe (ap. Strab. iii. p. 148, who refers also to the views of Artemidorus). In the period of the Carthaginian empire, therefore, the situation of the place was tolerably well known to the Greeks; but it is not till after the Punic Wars had given Spain to the Romans, that we find it more particularly described. The fullest description is that of Strabo (iii. pp. 140, 168), who places it at a distance of less than 2000 stadia from the Sacred Headland (C. S. Vincent), and 70 from the mouth of the Baetis (Guadalquivir) on the one side, and about 750 from Calpe (Gibraltar) on the other, or, as some said, 800. Mela (ii. 7) transfers it to the entrance of the Straits, which he makes to begin at Junonis Pr. (C. Trafalgar). Pliny, who makes the entrance of the Straits at Mellaria, places Gades 45 M. P. outside (iv. 22. s. 36, with Ukert's emendation: the MSS. vary between 25 and 75). The island is described as divided from the mainland of Baetica by a narrow strait, like a river (Mela, iii. 6), the least breadth of which is given by Strabo as only 1 stadium (606 ft.), and as barely 700 ft. by Pliny, who makes the greatest breadth 7 M. P. (ii. 108. s. 112): it is now called the River of St. Peter, and the bridge which spanned it (Itin. Ant. p. 409) is called the Puente de Zuazo, from Juan Sanchez de Zuazo, who restored it in the 15th century. The length of the island was estimated at about 100 stadia (Strab. l. c.), or 12 M. P. (Polyb. ap. Plin. l. c.: Pliny himself says 15): its breadth varied from one stadium to 3 Roman miles (Strab., Plin., l. cc.). The city stood on the W. side of the island, and was from the first very small in comparison with its maritime importance. Even after it was enlarged by the building of the "New City," under the The first of these names refers to two eminent citizens of Gades, who are distinguished by the names of Major and Minor. L. Cornelius Balbus Major, who is generally surnamed Gaditanus, or, as Cicero writes jestingly, Tartesius (ad Att. vii. 3), served against Sertorius, first under Q. Metellus, and then under Pompey, whom he accompanied to Rome, B. C. 71, and who conferred upon him the Roman citizenship, his right to which was defended by Cicero in an extant oration. With both he lived in terms of intimacy, as well as with Crassus and Caesar, and afterwards with Octavian. He was the first native of any country out of Italy who attained to the consulship. But his nephew, L. Cornelius Balbus Minor, who, as proconsul of Africa, triumphed over the Garamantes in B. c. 19, and who attained to the dignity of Pontifex (Vell. Paterc. ii. 51, and coins), is probably the one to whom the coins refer, as he was the builder of the New City of Gades. He undertook this work when he was quaestor to Asinius Pollio in Further Spain, B. C. 43. (Dion Cass. xlviii. 32.) Balbus also constructed the harbour of Gades,- Portus Gaditanus,-on the mainland (Strab., Mela, ll. cc.; Itin. Ant. p. 409; Ptol. ii. 4: now Puerto Real), and the bridge already mentioned, which was so constructed as to form also an aqueduct. The Antonine Itinerary places the bridge 12 M. P. from Gades, and the harbour 14 M. P. further, on the road to Corduba. Of the other public buildings the most remarkable were the temples of the deities whom the Romans identified with Saturn and Hercules. The former was in the city itself, opposite to the little island already mentioned; the latter stood some distance S. of the city, 12 M. P. on the road to Malaca, in the Itinerary, and still further according to Strabo, who has a long discussion of a theory by which this temple was identified with the Columns of Hercules (iii. pp. 169, 170, 172, 174, 175; Plin. ii. 39. s. 100; Liv. xxi. 21; Dion Cass. xliii. 40, lxxvii. 20). The temple had a famous oracle connected with it, and was immensely rich. It was also remarkable for a spring, which rose and fell with the tide. Its site is supposed to have been on the I. S. Petri or S. Pedro (St. Peter's Isle), a little islet lying off the S. point of the main island of Leon. The city had one drawback to its unrivalled advantages as a port: the water was very bad. (Strab. iii. p. 173.) Besides the general articles of its commerce, its salt-fish was particularly esteemed. (Athen. vii. p. 315; Poilux, vi. 49; Hesych. s v. rádeipa.) The immense wealth which its inhabitants enjoyed led naturally to luxury, and luxury to great immorality. (Juv. xi. 162; Mart. i. 61, foll., v. 78, vi. 71, xiv. 203.) The modern city of Cadiz stands just upon the site of Gades, that is, on the NW. point of the island of Leon, together with the island of Trocadero. (The following are the authorities for the antiquities of Cadiz cited by Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. 6: J. B. Suarez de Salazar, Grandezas, &c., Cadiz, Romans, by its wealthy and celebrated citizen, the younger Balbus, the "Double City" ( Aduun), as it was called, was still of very moderate dimensions, not exceeding 20 stadia in circuit: and even this space was not densely peopled, since a large part of the citizens were always absent at sea. In fact, the city proper seems to have consisted merely of the public buildings and the habitations of those immediately connected with the business of the port, while the upper classes dwelt in villas outside the city, chiefly on the shore of the mainland, and on a smaller island opposite to the city, which was a very favourite resort (Trocadero or S. Sebastian). The territory of the city on the mainland was very small; its wealth being derived entirely from its commerce, as the great western emporium of the known world. Of the wealth and consequence of its citizens Strabo records it as a striking proof, that in the census taken under Augustus, the number of Equites was found to be 500, a number greater than in any town, even in Italy, except Patavium; while the citizens were second in number only to those of Rome. Their first alliance with Rome was said to have been formed through the centurion L. Marcius, in the very crisis of the war in Spain, after the deaths of the two Scipios (B. c. 212): another instance of the disaffection of the old Phoenician cities towards Carthage; a feeling all the stronger in the case of Gades, as she had only submitted to Carthage during Hamilcar's conquest of Spain after the First Punic War. The alliance was confirmed (or, as some said, first made) in the consulship of M. Lepidus and Q. Catulus, B. c. 78. (Cic. pro Balbo, 15; comp. Liv. xxxii. 2.) C. Julius Caesar, on his visit to the city during the Civil War in Spain, B. c. 49, conferred the civitas of Rome on all the citizens of Gades. (Dion Cass. xli. 24; Columella, viii. 16.) Under the empire, as settled by Augusta, Gades was a municipium, with the title of AUGUSTA URBS JULIA GADITANA, and the seat of one of the four conventus juridici of Baetica. (Plin. iii. 1. s. 3, iv. 22. s. 36; Inser. ap. Gruter, p. 358, no. 4; Coins ap. Florez, Med. vol. ii. p. 430, vol. iii. p. 68, who contends that the city was a colony; Mionnet, vol. i. p. 12, Suppl. vol. i. p. 25; Sestini, p. 49; Eckhel, vol. i. pp. 19-22.) There are extant coins of the old Phoenician period, as well as of the Roman city; the former are, with one exception, of copper, and generally bear the head of the Tyrian Hercules (Melcarth), the tutelary deity of the city, on the obverse, and on the reverse one or two fish, with a Phoenician epigraph, in two lines, of which the upper has not been satisfactorily explained, while the lower consists of the four letters which answer to the Hebrew characters 71 or 777, Agadir or Hagadir, that is, the genuine Phoenician form of the city's name, with the prosthetic breathing or article, the omission of which gives GADIR, the form recognised by the Greek and Roman writers. (Eckhel, . c. and vol. iii. p. 422.) The coins of the Roman period are very remarkable for the absence of the name of the city, which occurs only on one of them, a very ancient medal, having an ear of corn, with the epigraph MUN (i. e. Municipium) on the obverse, and on the reverse GADES, with a fish. The remaining medals bear, for the most part, the insignia of Hercules, and naval symbols, with the names of the successive patrons of the city, namely, Balbus, Augustus, M. Agrippa, and his sons Caius and Lucius, and the emperor Tiberius. (Eckhel, vol. i. pp. 20-22.) |