صور الصفحة
PDF
النشر الإلكتروني

not altering their system, and this immediately. It is, on the other hand, a great reproach to them, considering the quality and character of their slaves, that they should not of themselves have come forward on the subject before this time.

But it is now time to draw to a conclusion. It has appeared, if we recollect, that when the abolition of the slave trade was first practically thought of in England, they, who first publicly embarked in that cause, considered the West Indian slavery to be as much an evil as that which they had associated to suppress, but that they confined themselves to the abolition of the trade under a conviction at the time, that if they could accomplish this object, the slavery would die away of itself gradually and in its due time. Now fifteen years have elapsed since the trade was abolished by the British Parliament, and no attempt whatever has been made, with any thing like sincerity, to ameliorate the condition of the slaves. What then are the abolitionists to do? Their way is clear for if the West Indian slavery was originally as much an evil in their eyes as the slave trade itself, and moreover if emancipation was originally included in their idea of the abolition of the slave trade, it is their duty to resume their labours. They cannot, as we have before observed, retire from the course and say, "There is now no further need of our interference." If through the medium of the abolition of the slave trade they have not accomplished, as they expected, the whole of their object, they have no alternative but to resort to other measures, or to attempt by constitutional means, under that legislature which has already sanctioned their efforts, the mitigation of the cruel treatment of the Negroes with the ultimate view of extinguishing, in due time and in a suitable manner, the slavery itself. Nor ought any time to be lost in making such an attempt; for it is a melancholy fact, that there is scarcely any increase of the slave population in our islands at the present moment. What other proof need we require of the severity of the slavery there, and of the necessity of its mitigation? Severe punishments, want of sufficient food, labour extracted by the whip, and a system of prostitution, conspire, almost as much as ever, to make inroads upon the constitutions of the slaves, and to prevent their increase. And let it be remembered here, that any former defect of this kind was supplied by importations; but that importations are now unlawful. Unless, therefore, the abolitionists interfere, and that soon, our West Indian planters may come to Parliament and say, "We have now tried your experiment. It has not answered. You must therefore give us leave to go again to the coast of Africa for slaves." There is also another consideration worthy of the attention of the abolitionists, viz. that a public attempt made in England to procure the

abolition

abolition of slavery would very much promote their original object, the cause of the abolition of the slave trade; for foreign courts have greatly doubted our sincerity as to the latter measure, and have therefore been very backward in giving us their assistance in it. If England, say they, abolished the slave trade from moral motives, how happens it that she continues slavery? But if this attempt were to succeed, then the abolitionists would see their wishes in a direct train for completion: for if slavery were to fall in the British islands, this event would occasion death in a given time, and without striking any further blow, to the execrable trade; because those foreigners, who should continue it, no longer able to compete in the markets with those who should employ free men, must abandon it altogether.

But here perhaps the planters will say, "What right have the people of England to interfere with our property, which would be the case if they were to attempt to abolish slavery?" The people of England might reply, that they have as good a right as you, the planters, have to interfere with that most precious of all pro perty, the liberty of your slaves, seeing that you hold them by no right that is not opposed to nature, reason, justice, and religion. The people of England have no desire to interfere with your property, but with your oppression. They flatter themselves that your property will be improved by the change. But, to examine this right more minutely, we contend, first, that they have always a right to interfere in behalf of humanity and justice whereever their appeals can be heard. We contend, secondly, that they have a more immediate right to interfere in the present case, because the oppressed persons in question, living in the British dominions and under the British Government, are their fellow-subjects. We contend again, that they have this right upon the ground that they are giving you, the West Indians, a monopoly for their sugar, by buying it from you exclusively at a much dearer rate than they can get it from other quarters. Surely they have a right to say to you, as customers for your produce, Change your system and we will continue to deal with you: but if you will not change it, we will buy our sugar elsewhere, or we will not buy sugar at all. The East Indian market is open to us, and we prefer sugar that is not stained with blood. Nay, we will petition Parliament to take off the surplus duty with which East Indian sugar is loaded on your account. What superior claims have you either upon Parliament or upon us, that you should have the preference? As to the East Indians, they are as much the subjects of the British empire as yourselves. As to the East India Company, they support all their establishments, both civil and military, at their own expense. They come to our Treasury for nothing; while you, with naval

stations

stations and an extraordinary military force, for no other purpose than to keep in awe an injured population, and with heavy bounties on the exportation of your sugar, put us to such an expense as makes us doubt whether your trade is worth having on its pre sent terms. They, the East India Company, again, have been a blessing to the Natives with whom they have been concerned. They distribute an equal system of law and justice to all without respect of persons. They dispell the clouds of ignorance, superstition, and idolatry, and carry with them civilization and liberty wherever they go. You, on the other hand, have no code of justice but for yourselves. You deny it to those who cannot help themselves. You hinder liberty by your cruel restrictions on manumission; and, dreading the inlet of light, you study to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism. Which then of the two competitors has the claim to preference by an English Parliament and an English people? It may probably soon become a question with the latter, whether they will consent to pay a million annually more for West India sugar than for other of like quality, or, which is the same thing, whether they will allow themselves to be taxed annually to the amount of a million sterling to support West Indian slavery.

We shall now conclude by saying, that we leave it, and that we recommend it to others to add to the light which we have furnished on this subject, by collecting new facts relative to Emancipation and the result of it in other parts of the world, as well as relative to the superiority of free over servile labour, in order that the West Indians may be convinced, if possible, that they would be benefited by the change of system which we propose. They must already know, both by past and present experience, that the ways of unrighteousness are not profitable. Let them not doubt, when the Almighty has decreed the balance in favour of virtuous actions, that their efforts under the new system will work together for their good, so that their temporal redemption may be at hand.

N

ART. XV. Memoir of Ali Pasha of Joannina.

form of government is so calculated by its nature and institutions to produce misery among its subjects, as that of the Ottoman empire. At its head is an autocrat, whose education necessarily tends to render him bigoted, effeminate, and sanguinary: no constitutional responsibility is attached to his ministers and agents, nor have these themselves any security from the violent passions, unjust caprices, or interested determinations of their master: all offices are sought with avidity, purchased with bribes,

or

or granted in the worst spirit of favouritism: their holders are petty tyrants and abject slaves; and as the laws of the realm constitute the Sultan heir to their property, this circumstance will account for the short time public functionaries are permitted to wear their heads in Turkey.

The provinces of this extensive and ill-regulated empire are administered in a manner still worse, if possible, than the capital; being subjected to so terrific and regular a gradation of corruption, that the picture, if faithfully represented, would make the most radical reformer in England fall down upon his knees and bless Providence for the land in which he was born. The Pasha or chief Governor of the province, either purchases his office at the Porte, procures it by intrigue, or gains it by the fortune of war: at any rate he can retain it only by transmitting immense sums to Constantinople, for the purpose not only of paying his ordinary tribute, but of bribing members of the Divan, procuring intelligence, supplanting rivals, allaying jealousies, and supporting his credit. To defray these extraordinary expenses, he is obliged to levy severe contributions upon the inhabitants of his district: he deprives them of their lands and houses upon slight or even upon feigned pretences; he grants monopolies, and burthens commerce with the most vexatious duties; he accepts bribes for the perversion of justice, and sells every office to the highest bidder: this purchaser again seeks to remunerate himself from the accumulation of wealth by every minor species of rapine, and by the sale of all subordinate offices; whilst the inferior agents in this progressive system of extortion squeeze out their unholy gains from the hard-earned pittance of the miserable peasant, upon whom the whole weight of oppression, increased like the snowball in its descent, ultimately falls.

But the evil, great as it is, does not always end here. It frequently happens that the Pasha is not contented to live in subjec tion to the Porte; he dislikes to have constantly before his eyes the vision of that bow-string which is to transfer his plunder into the coffers of his imperial master: he therefore levies troops, hires mercenaries, renders his government more venal than ever, sells licenses for toleration of the most odious abuses and for commission of the most revolting crimes, withdraws his annual tribute, and is considered as a contumacious rebel. If the Porte should happen to anticipate or to be engaged in foreign wars or domestic commotions of greater importance, he enjoys this assumed independence for a season, and riots in the excess of licentiousness, unrestrained by any compunction of conscience or fear of retribution. It generally happens, however, that his security is of short duration. The Sultan, by the resources of his

empire,

empire, or the assistance of his allies, soon becomes disengaged from his incumbrances, and hastens to suppress the insurrection. His ferocious Osmanlis enter the devoted province, which is defended by Albanians or other mercenaries; the miserable inhabitants, exposed to equal persecutions from friends. and foes, are pillaged on both sides: one party levies upon them enormous contributions; the other burns their habitations, seizes upon their flocks, destroys the produce of their land, violates their wives and daughters, carries off their youth to be circumcised and brought up in hostility to the faith of their forefathers, or sells them into a slavery worse than death itself. The rebellious satrap being soon reduced, his head and property are transferred to Constantinople, a successor is appointed on the same venal terms, and the poor depopulated district exposed, with its diminished means, to similar exactions from a fresh herd of ty

rants.

Such is the general course of events in this ill-fated country: but it sometimes happens that the rebellious governor, if he possess extraordinary abilities, or can take advantage of political circumstances, especially those of foreign aid or alliance, so increases and gradually consolidates his resources, that he is able to despise the mandates and to resist the power of his sovereign, to retain his independence, and perchance to die in his bed, sicca morte. The subjects of such a despot, compared with the remaining population of the Ottoman empire, are pitiable or enviable, according to his individual character. Those of the inhuman Djezzar Pasha of Acre were reduced to a much more deplorable condition than that of the ordinary objects of Ottoman tyranny; whilst the state of Egypt under its present ruler Mohammed Ali Pasha, who seems destined to retain his power in defiance of the Sultan, is greatly improved. The policy of the Sublime Porte in these cases of alienated authority is generally founded upon prudence, and a knowledge of the constituent principles of its power. If it finds that its resources are too weak to reduce the rebel speedily, or if other objects of greater importance intervene, it waits patiently either till some good opportunity for interposition occurs, or till death and the natural course of things shall restore affairs to their former level; for it may be observed, that few internal insurrections, however calamitous they may prove to the wretched people, can produce any serious danger to the Ottoman throne or to the Imperial dynasty. The religious principle of Mahometanism is one of the most powerful bonds of union: the reigning family, as descended from the Califes, is held sacred, and the rest of the Pashas would never suffer one of their own body to erect an imperium in imperio: moreover, the whole Osmanli

« السابقةمتابعة »