if defeated, the enemy's offenfive projects can only aim at the taking of the place.

A battle may also be proper to be given when any great corps is near making a junction with the army of the enemy, which, when made, will give him fuch a fuperiority, as to be decifive of the campaign in his favour, and when a defeat will not difenable to purfue the defenfive plan.

Extraordinary defpondency in an army, a want of all confidence in their chief or chiefs, a difunion among them, the general commanding not in any great measure to be dreaded, the army differently compofed, and badly difciplined, and the oppofites of the foregoing being in the oppofing army, may induce the general of the latter to give battle. Such circumftances, in great measure, caused the battle of Rofbach to be fought by the Pruffians.

The preparations for battle admit of infinite variety; by a knowledge of the detail of battles, the precept will accompany the example. The main general preparatives are, to profit of any advantage of ground, that the tactical form of the army be in fome measure adapted to it; and that fuch form is, if poffible, a form tactically better than the adverfary's; and, in forming the army, to bave a most careful attention to multiply refources, fo that the fate of the army does not hang on one or two fingle efforts; to give any particular part of the army, whofe quality is fuperior to fuch part in the enemy's army, a pofition that enfures action; and, finally, to have a rear by nature, or, if poflible, by art, capable of checking the enemy in cafe of defeat.

Since the ufe of fire arms, tactics have in great measure been difregarded; thofe forms have only been fought which oppofed the greatest quantity of fire: cannon will deftroy columns, and troops drawn up with depth, are not fo properly formed to defend hedges, where a long line of fire may be neceffary; but, however, victories perhaps may be gained at prefent by mere dint of tacticism, as furely as they were ever gained heretofore.

If an army attacks, and marches of courfe to its adversary, impreffion must be its object, and that very often will be best done by an effort of weight upon a particular part; for when one part of an army gives ground, it is in general likely it will be defeated.-The concealing the real purpofed attack may not always be poffible, from the nature of the ground affording the enemy a view of all proceedings; but it will, on the contrary, very often permit concealment.-Marthal Luxembourg, at the battle of Fleurus, perceiving the Prince of Waldeck could not fee the march of his cavalry on the left wing, drew them up on the Prince's right, which they attacked, and gained the victory.

The drawing up an army in two long lines and a fhort one, must be from the different nature of ground, the different form and numbers of the enemy, only juft taking things as they are found, without any fort of adjufting armies to ground, and to their op ponents.

The coup d'œil of field fortification is, by irregular and detached works adapted to ground, to form a complete fyftematical piece of fortification, though to a common eye disjointed and unconnected.

The

The coup d'œil of battle is to throw an attacking army into only one, perhaps, or two or three points of form that shall bear down, or, by its fucceffion of refource, drive away an oppofition not formed adequate to repulse its attackers.

The ftratagems of battle are without end.-If any particular part of the enemy's army fhould be lefs liable to refift than the other parts, there would be attack on that part.

It has been faid, the Duke of Cumberland's fituation at Haftenbeck was one to give battle in.-The Duke having been, from the great fuperiority of the French army, obliged to retreat, arrived at Haftenbeck; if he retreated farther, the electorate of Hanover was certainly loft; if he fought a battle, and was beat, he could but then still retreat, and lofe the electorate; and if he was victorious, he might be able to preferve Hanover, if not fome part of the bishoprics-if he had fought a battle before, he would have had no near place of fafety for retreat; and if he fought it on the ground near Haftenbeck, he had Hamelin close in his rear, which would afford him a fecure and a fafe one.-Here then was a true fituation to fight a battle, much to be got by its gain, and nothing to be loft by defeat *.

Duke Ferdinand, at the battle of Fellinghaufen, had Ham to protect his retreat; if he croffed the Lippe without fighting, Lipstadt would have quickly been invefted; if he did fight, and was fuccefsful, the fecurity of the bishoprics would probably be the fruits of the fuccefs:-if he was beat, he then only would have croffed the Lippe, and do what he would otherwife have done had he paffed it without fighting at all.-Moreover, the having both the French armies acting against his whole army, was a point to be wished; ift, Becaufe his army was unable to divide in any degree of equal oppofition to the French; and, as there was a great jealoufy and difagreement between the French Marshals,' he might reasonably and juftifiably hope that fuch jealoufy would produce its natural effects, and which it did do. This then was another fituation for battle, where the gain was great and probable, the lofs not to be attended with fatal effects, and where an opportunity offered to fight, with fuch favourable circumftances, as, if miffed, would not probably be regained.

The King of Pruffia's battles, during the late war, were chiefly battles of ftate neceffity; he was ruined if he did not fight.-In 1758, when the King of Pruffia fought the battle of Zorndorff, his country was either to be ravaged by the Auftrians or the Ruf fians, if he acted on the defenfive, as he could not make head against both;-a battle therefore might free him from one, and enable him to keep the other in check as leaft.-The victory of Zorndorff freed him from the Ruffians, and gave him liberty to act against the Auftrians.

In 1759, the battle of Cunnefdorff against the Ruffians, was another of abfolute neceffity: all the Pruffian dominions were in poffeffion of his enemies; defending was ruin; and nothing but vic

Our Author having, just before, obferved, that if the Duke had

not fought, he must have loft the electorate.

tory,

tory, or a fevere check to his adverfaries, could in any fhape anfwer his uncommon circumstances.

The compofition of the Imperial army in 1756, at the battle of Rosbach, was fuch as might have induced an oppofing general to a battle, from the great probability of their defeat-No defence could be expected from that part of it drawn from the circles of the Empire; and its chief, as well as the French commander, gave fair hopes of fuccefs to an attacker.

The battle of Blenheim was of ftate neceffity.-A defenfive plan would have left the French to have wintered in Bavaria, and at the fame time expofed Flanders to loffes, on account of the abfence of its army. A battle therefore might gain every thing, and a loss of it fcarce leave the empire more open to the French than before.

The citing of a number of examples needs no other pains than the perufal of history, where will be found battles fought on all manner of accounts, fome with folid objects in view, others when fcarce any benefit could attend their gain, others when ruin would attend their lofs, and little advantage their fuccefs.-Some fought in improper ground, fome with the ground judiciously chosen ;fome whofe tactical forms bid fair for fuccefs, others almoft enfured a defeat.

The last Duke of Burgundy, before he fought the battle of Granfon against the Swifs, was offered every advantage, if he would agree to peace, that he could poffefs by victory; he refused to treat, fought, and was beat.-He drew up his men in a narrow pass, where the Swifs, much his inferiors in numbers, could oppose as great a front as that of his own army.

When Hannibal fought the battle of Zama, his fecond line having no intervals for the retreat of his firft, was tactically liable to defeat.

When the Hereditary Prince's army paffed the Rhine, after the affair of Clofter Campen in 1760, the French general had the fairest opportunity of deftroying them.-If he had been repulfed, Wefel could be in no danger, and the year fo far advanced, as that no advantages could have accrued to the Allied Army from fuccefs; and it was in his power (a thing very rarely the cafe) to have entered as little, or as much into the attack as he had pleased, for the Prince's bufinefs was to pafs the Rhine.-The Allied Army had been defeated, and of course difpirited, and were totally worn down by want of victuals and fatigue. The French had gained a victory, and were not in want of provifions.-The Prince's bridge broke where there was an entrenchment to defend it, and was obliged to be moved where there was none; and farther, upon the leaft faulter, or break, or giving ground of the Allied troops, the river Rhine must have been their fate.-Had the French general marched his army, which was much fuperior to the Prince's, and attacked before the Allies began to pafs, or after fome were paffed, a total, or a very great deftruction, must have certainly enfued, and which would have been of the most ferious confequences in the fate of the next campaign; instead of which, no attack was made at all, and one of the most folid and uncommon fair opportunities to destroy a corps was miffed.

• The

The battle of Val, in 1747, was a battle of refource; Marsha Saxe kept conftantly feeding the object of attack.

In fortification, the defendants are chiefly in force where the attack or attacks are made: in battle, where the attacks are, there is the principal defence.-If an army attacks, it forms at pleasure, it makes its points at will; if it defends, it will be difficult fometimes to penetrate into the defigns of the enemy, but, when once found, fuccour fucceeds to the difcovery.-Ground and numbers must ever lead in the form of battles :-impreffion and refource will ever bid fairest for winning them.'

Left our Readers should be at a lofs to conceive how. the power of speech happens to be the fubject of a chapter in a military treatife, we fhall inform them, that Major Bell, under that head, treats of the advantages of proper addreffes to foldiers, by their commanding officers, on fignal occafions, in critical fituations, and important emergencies.

ART. III. New Lights thrown upon the Hiftory of Mary Queen of England, eldest Daughter of Henry VIII. Addreffed to David Hume, Efq; Author of the Hiftory of the Plantagenets, the Tudors, and the Stuarts. Tranflated from the French. 8vo. 2 s. fewed. Wilkie. 1771.

A

S this publication has impofed upon its Tranflator, and as it may fall into the hands of Readers who have little acquaintance with the English history, we think it our duty to expofe its defects, and to point out its general fcope and in

tention.

Instead of throwing any light on the tranfactions of Mary's reign, it ferves to involve them in confufion; and from the cenfure which it has profufely lavished on a celebrated hiftorian, we can only learn, that its Author is totally uninformed concerning the fubject which he has endeavoured to illuftrate.

The following obfervations, at the fame time that they will exhibit a specimen of the performance, will furnish us with an opportunity of making fuch ftrictures on it as will fufficiently evince its imperfections.

In the firft volume of the French tranflation of your hiftory of the Tudors, fays the Author, addreffing himself to Mr. Hume, we read, that during the reign of Edward VI. the Princess Mary his fifter, attempted to efcape WITH Charles, her kinfman, to avoid greater perfecutions, but that her defign was difcovered and prevented. This expreflion ought certainly to be explained: firft, Who is this kinfman Charles with whom fhe attempted to efcape? Was it Charles V. her coufin-german? If it was him, it fhould have been faid that the attempted to withdraw, and take refuge with Charles her relation; for certainly that Emperor did not then come into England to afit in her efcape.

What

What steps did fhe take in order to leave England (for the word attempt implies fome action and effort) and what was done to hinder her flight? Had fhe fet out in order to embark, or had any veffel been prepared to receive her? Was the ftopped upon the road before fhe reached the fea-fhore, or was any one measure taken to deprive her of the fhip engaged for her transportation? One might reasonably expect fomething would have been offered to obviate fuch doubts as muft naturally arise in the mind of an attentive and intelligent Reader.

M. de Noailles places this project of a flight to have happened in the fhort interval between Edward's death and her advancement to the throne. He fays, the Princefs had fome thoughts of croffing the fea after the death of her brother, to which fhe was advised by feveral perfons, in order to secure her life and liberty; and adds, that if fhe had then quitted England, fhe would not have found one friend to fupport her intereft, or contribute to her return. It is very probable the relinquished this defign fo foon as the perceived her party was ftronger and more numerous than was at first imagined; and instead of abandoning her hopes to the impulfe of fear and distruft, fhe found herself in a condition to render her power refpectable.'

In the reign of Edward VI. when Somerset refigned the protectorship, the adminiftration of affairs was conducted by the Duke of Northumberland, who promoted the principles of the reformation; and among other steps which were then taken for the fuppreffion of popery, it was determined, that the Princess Mary fhould no longer be fuffered to adhere to the mass, and to reject the new liturgy. She was, therefore, remonstrated with on this fubject; and her two chaplains were thrown into prifon. In this fituation, dreading farther violence, "fhe endeavoured, fays Mr. Hume, to make her escape to her kinfman Charles; but her defign was difcovered and prevented." That the made this attempt is fufficiently afcertained by authentic proofs, and by the confequences it produced. For when Charles found that she was detained in England, he threatened hoftilities if liberty of confcience was refufed her; and the young King, who lamented his fifter's obftinacy, was prevailed with to allow her to continue in the Romish faith. But our Author, while he is unacquainted with the terms in which Mr. Hume has expreffed himself, with regard to this defign, has alfo afferted, that he is miftaken in relation to the period of

*Not with. The error of the French tranflator is afcribed to Mr. Hume. It is perfectly ridiculous to put the queftion, Who is this kinfman Charles? Had Mary any other kinfman of that name befide the Emperor Charles to whom she could think of flying for protection?

H