giving maps of the New States formed since the date of the original publication Six Months Residence and Travels in Mexico, containing Remarks on the present State of New Spain and its natural Productions, State of Society, Manufactures, Trade, &c. with plates and maps. By W. Bullock proprietor of the late London Museum, 8vo. This is an excellent work, which all well informed persons, or those who wish to become so, ought to read. It contains a very exact representation of the physical, moral, and political condition of Mexico. The author appears to be a man of extensive knowledge and perfect veracity. He will never be classed among those travellers who are used by certain governments as instruments for conveying into the public mind false ideas of the countries they have traversed. Mr. Bullock calumniates neither the institutions nor the inhabitants of Mexico; he exaggerates on neither side; he is a faithful guide, and may be securely followed, as his observations are unperverted by passion. He writes neither in favour of the ruling party, nor of any particular system. The only sentiments which are uniformly conspicuous throughout his book are those of a sincere attachment to the great principles of humanity and justice. We regret that we cannot here give some extracts from his work (to which however we shall return hereafter.) We recommend it to the attention of all persons interested in the prosperity of Mexico, "a prosperity which," says the author "must always depend on the working of her immense mineral treasures." sertion he justifies by inconvertible facts. This as Geographical Society-Paris-President Viscount de Chateaubriand. This truly useful society, formed for a specific purpose and devoted to active labours, has already subsisted for two years, and reckons among its members many men of eminence in the scientific and literary world. It was instituted to aid and encourage the progress of geographical knowledge. The objects of the society are to send expeditions to unknown countries, to propose and adjudge prizes, to hold correspondences with the learned societies, navigators, and geographers of all countries; to publish unedited narratives, as well as works which have been prepared for the press, and to engrave maps. Such are the useful and honourable views with which the society was formed. However indispensable geography may be for the productive cultivation of other branches of human knowledge, it is well known how much remains for her to achieve, how many regions to explore and to describe, even in the civilized parts of the globe. All the zealous lovers of science, of whatever country or clime, ought to hail the formation of an association, the sole object of which is the advancemen of knowledge, and the welfare of mankind; and which invites the co-operation of all enlightened men in either hemisphere. The lovers of geographical studies who inhabit the vast regions of the New World, appear to us to be particularly interested in forming an intimate alliance with the geographical society of Paris, and in offering to it the assistance of whatever information they possess. In one of our next Numbers we hope to be able to lay before our readers the regulations of this society, to which strangers are admitted on precisely the same footing as natives. CORRESPONDENCE. SECOND LETTER FROM LISBON. To the Editor of the American Monitor. Lisbon, Nov. 1824. The subject of this letter is not the one to which I intend ed to devote it. I meant to bring you acquainted with some of the acts of our internal administrations thanks to which, a country endowed by nature with all the means of happiness, is reduced to the most lamentable and precarious condition; her industry sacrificed to the interests of monopolists, her means of subsistence sold to forestallers, her hospitality violated, the misfortunes of her sons basely insulted, in a word, all the sources of national prosperity dried up by the influence of a man without energy, capacity, humanity or justice, who seems to delight in abusing the patience of the unfortunate people subjected to his authority. I wished, therefore, to follow in detail, the series of domestic calamities with which M. de Pamplona has afflicted a generous nation, by some inconceivable fatality compelled, for two wretched years, to endure his ministry. But events still more important now absorb the public attention, and call aloud for the aniinadversion of all men who are not totally indifferent to the national morality, and to the dignity of the throne. I allude to the innumerable conspiracies recently manufactured in this country, by means of which our prime minister doubtless hopes to obtain a short extension of a power universally execrated, and ready to fall before public reprobation. It appears as if the machine for the maufacture of con- ૨ ૨ spiracies, so deplorably useful to the French re-actionaries of 1815, had been transported to Lisbon and placed at the disposal of the minister, who has constituted himself the supporter and the servant of European ultraism, on the banks of the Tagus. Unfortunately for him, M. de Pamplona's talents are not equal to his impudence, and, every body, except the respectable monarch whom he has the cunning alternately to frighten and to cajole, sees the criminal hand which moves the springs of a system, contrived solely for the prolongation of his personal authority. The events of the 25th of last month were obviously the work of M. de Pamplona. The public voice has universally attributed this commotion either to the necessity under which the minister lies of disturbing a state of tranquillity fatal to his views, and of perpetuating, in the mind of the king, the alarm to which he owes his elevation and continuance in his present station; or on the other hand, to the desire, shared by all parties, of overthrowing a tyranny which is become truly insupportable. Whichever be the real state of the case, the public see, in M. de Pamplona, the sole cause, direct or indirect, of all the calamities of the country. This opinion, it must be confessed, is abundantly justified by antecedent facts. If we recur to the time of the counter-revolution which reinstated the sovereign in the plenitude of his power, we find the expression of all wishes, wants and interests, favourable to the restoration of legitimate sway; if we seek for the remnants of those factions which, urged along by the general impulse of Europe, had troubled, for a moment, the established order of things, we see them wandering, scattered, and more occupied in finding an asylum where they may be suffered to pass two days in peace, than in fomenting new dissentions in their unhappy country. After reviewing all these circumstances, after examining the past and the present, after looking abroad and at home, we can find no reasonable cause for the continual state of agitation and of perplexity in which the country is artfully kept, in spite of the tranquillity of mind, the desire for peace, and the love of order which pervade all classes of society. Every one asks how it happens. that, with such elements of concord, the recollections of the revolution are not effaced in a general reconciliation? why the nation, which has rallied round the throne of its monarch, is still deprived of the reward of its fidelity, and of the fulfilment of the royal promises? why, in short, instead of effecting a truly constitutional reform, against which there exist only imaginary obstacles, a cruel, narrow, and paltry policy organizes only a ministerial despotism, and insists upon proving to the world that a nation essentially peaceful, industrious, and orderly, is a perfect volcano, ready to explode with the smallest spark, and to throw over all Europe revolutionary firebrands? This phenomenon would, indeed, have been sufficient to disconcert our reason, if, at the restoration, the direction of public affairs had been intrusted to pure and faithful hands; but, unhappily, cunning and disloyalty got possession of power. This calamity was the germ of all those which have successively visited the nation, from the moment in which she was delivered up to the ambition of a man who had every thing to dread from a state of things in which rulers would have to furnish, by their characters, some sacred pledge for their right employment of power, and to undergo the severe scrutiny of the public eye. It was, however, easy to foresee what has happened. There was not a man of sense who, when he saw the reins of government fall into M. de Pamplona's hands, did not feel that the restoration of Portugal, a work demanding sincerity and loyalty, could not be carried into effect by a man infamized by his conduct, and under whose influence, the seeds of every thing noxtious would spring up. Besides, even supposing that M. de Pamplona could have suddenly changed his character, and have become a real lover of his country, he was |