130 Treaty of Monzon.-Operations against Huguenots [1624–6

now negotiate from the vantage-ground of possession. Savoy, Venice, and England were leagued with France. Desultory operations took place in Savoy and in the direction of Genoa. But the real campaign was waged on paper; and in May, 1626, under the influence of Pope Urban VIII, a treaty, the Treaty of Monzon, was concluded between France and Spain. The forts constructed by the Spaniards in the Valtelline were to be handed over to the Pope for destruction. The old treaties were revived whereby France recovered her sole right of passage through the valley. The treaty was favourable to French pretensions, but her allies were not even consulted before its signature; and Richelieu's first important act of policy left Venice, the Grisons, and especially Savoy, profoundly mistrustful and justly discontented.

Whatever other considerations may have hastened Richelieu's action in this matter, he had in fact obeyed the law of necessity. Troubles crowded upon him at home. The finances were in complete disorder. Temporary relief had been obtained by means of an enquiry into the conduct of the financiers, who were forced for fear of worse things to disgorge ten millions. But in June, 1626, when the Marquis d'Effiat took over the Surintendance, the revenue of the current year had already been spent, the revenue of the succeeding year had been largely anticipated, and a floating debt of twenty-seven millions demanded liquidation. In January, 1625, the Huguenots renewed the civil war by seizing the port of Blavet in Britanny with the royal ships that lay there. Soubise, with the fleet thus acquired and the navy of La Rochelle, ranged the western coast and intercepted commerce. Rohan at Castres was raising troops. Montauban was in revolt. La Rochelle loudly demanded the destruction of Fort Louis, a fortress intended to hold its harbour in check, whose demolition, as the citizens alleged, had been informally promised at the time of the Peace of Montpellier. Against the navy of Soubise Richelieu collected English and Dutch vessels, which he manned with French seamen. By their help Montmorency was enabled to scatter the forces of Soubise (September, 1625), and to seize the islands of Ré and Oleron, which commanded the harbour of La Rochelle. Soubise was forced to seek a refuge in England. The districts about Montauban and other rebellious places were ruthlessly devastated. But English and Dutch opinion resented the use against Protestants of the vessels lent to France; the ships were recalled; and Richelieu was fain to use the good offices of the English ambassadors to conclude a treaty with the Huguenots (February, 1626). Little was conceded, but the English were thereby in some sort constituted protectors of the Protestants in France.

This danger past, Richelieu thought it opportune to vindicate his own authority by a vigorous demonstration. The conspiracy which he chose to discover centred about the Duke of Anjou, the King's brother. The Government intended to marry this Prince to Mademoiselle de Montpensier; the Prince himself was disinclined to the match; and he

1626-7]

The Assembly of Notables

131

found friends and supporters among the discontented magnates. This attempt at opposition to the Cardinal's will was represented as a dangerous, even as a murderous, enterprise. The Prince's governor, the Marshal d'Ornano, was thrown into prison, where he died. The Duke of Vendôme and his brother, natural sons of Henry IV, were seized and imprisoned. A young noble, Chalais, who under the influence of Madame de Chevreuse had taken part in the cabal, was brought to trial and executed. Madame de Chevreuse was driven into exile in Lorraine. The Duke of Anjou was forced into the marriage originally proposed, and received the title and appanage of Orleans. It was proved that opposition was a crime, and intrigue a game dangerous even for the greatest. Gaston of Orleans made his peace in characteristic fashion by betraying his friends, but the Count of Soissons had to retire to Turin for safety. The Assembly of Notables, summoned in December, 1626, was inspired to propose new measures against rebellion. No communication was to be allowed between French subjects and foreign ambassadors; even the Nuncio was not excepted from this ruling. The mere fact of taking up arms was to be sufficient cause for forfeiture of all offices. Seditious libel, a form of literature which the Cardinal himself had patronised when in opposition, was now to be severely punished. No one was to be permitted to collect arms or munitions or to levy funds from the King's subjects without authority. These proposals were gladly received and speedily registered as edicts. The Cardinal's position was further strengthened by the suppression of the office of Admiral of France, compensation being paid to the Duke of Montmorency, and by the creation in Richelieu's favour of a new office of Superintendent of Navigation and Commerce. With this charge the functions of the Duke of Vendôme as Admiral for Britanny were united. On the death of Lesdiguières in September, 1626, the office of Constable was also suppressed, and thus the supreme direction of military forces devolved also upon the Minister. Even favourites were not tolerated; and Barradas, a young gentleman on whom the King's too conspicuous favour had rested, was driven from the Court.

Richelieu had composed his difficulties with Spain; and in April, 1627, a treaty of alliance was concluded with this Power, in view of the strained relations between England and France. The secret conditions. of the English marriage had proved impracticable. Charles and Buckingham were not strong enough to protect the Roman Catholics in England. Trouble arose between the royal pair, which resulted, in August, 1626, in the ignominious expulsion of the Queen's French household. The Parliamentary situation in England made some action on behalf of the French Protestants a desirable political move; and Buckingham's own wounded pride prompted a similar policy. As an envoy to the Court of Paris at the time of Charles' marriage, the

132

Buckingham's expedition to Ré

[1627 favourite had not hesitated to make open love to the Queen of France. Consequently, his proposals for a further visit were coldly received, and he was made to understand that his presence would not be welcome. Thus he was ready enough to court popularity by a French war. The friction caused by the marriage contract and the oppression of French Protestants supplied the occasion. The aid of Lorraine and Savoy and vigorous support from the Huguenots were expected. Accordingly extensive preparations were made, and in June, 1627, a great armament set forth from Portsmouth. On July 20 the troops were landed on the island of Ré, off La Rochelle.

The island was protected by two fortresses, St Martin and La Prée; and the garrison was commanded by Toiras, a brave soldier though ill regarded by the Cardinal. Before Buckingham moved up his troops to attack, these places were hastily put in a state of defence, and the English were forced to proceed to a regular siege of St Martin. Meanwhile the King had fallen ill; and the Cardinal, distracted by fears for his own safety, had to direct from his bedside measures of defence and relief. An army was sent to hold in check La Rochelle, which did not at first declare itself for Buckingham, but afterwards openly adopted the cause of the invaders. Had the city granted the request of Buckingham and admitted his army within their walls, the issue might have been different. But the citizens were fighting for independence, not to change one master for another.

In 1625 the King had been forced to wage war with borrowed vessels; in 1627 Richelieu had already created a fleet, whose headquarters were at Brouage. Moreover, shipping and boats were collected from all parts to aid in the task of transporting men and provisions. The Cardinal advanced money from his own treasury to meet the necessary expenses. At length the King was well enough to travel, and on October 2 he arrived in the camp before La Rochelle. Toiras' provisions were almost exhausted and on October 7 St Martin made proposals for surrender. But the very next day a convoy fought its way in with provisions for a month. The reinforcements promised from England did not arrive. On October 30 a first detachment of French troops landed at La Prée; and on November 6 Buckingham delivered a last assault on St Martin, which was repulsed. He then gave orders to embark his forces, but meanwhile the enemy had assembled in the island in considerable strength. The English were attacked while retreating by a narrow causeway to their ships and suffered heavily. On November 18 the fleet sailed for England, its original complement reduced to less than one-half by battle, capture, and disease.

Richelieu was now free to push his project for annihilating the political privileges of the Huguenots. Just grounds for action were not wanting. La Rochelle had openly assisted Buckingham. Rohan had raised troops in Languedoc. Walter Montague, an English agent,

1627-8]

Siege and capitulation of La Rochelle

133

accredited to Savoy and Lorraine, had visited Rohan and had been seized by the Cardinal with all his papers on the soil of Lorraine. The objective was also plainly indicated. La Rochelle had been for several years the centre of all Huguenot disaffection. Virtually independent, it offered ready access to the heart of the kingdom for foreign enemies coming by the sea, and was protected by a powerful and piratical fleet. So long as this city remained unsubdued, the King could not regard himself as master in his own house. Condé was sent with an army to hold Rohan in check, while the Cardinal and the King undertook the operations against the Huguenot capital. In November the siege was opened on the landward side; the royal fleet was brought up under the Duke of Guise to assist in the maritime blockade; and from either side of the harbour mouth the laborious construction of a stone dyke was begun, with the intention of closing the port to all supplies and succour from the sea. The Spanish navy came up to give some formal satisfaction to treaty obligations, but Richelieu wisely determined to place no reliance on its support, and trusted wholly to the fleet which he had created and collected. All through the winter the blockading lines. were closely guarded, and the dykes were steadily pushed forward. When the King grew tired and returned to Paris (February, 1628), the Cardinal was obliged to choose between two risks. He determined to hazard the effect of any hostile influences on his master, and to push the siege in person at whatever cost. In April the King returned. The dykes were by this time well advanced; the passage between them was blocked by sunken ships and guarded by palisades and moored vessels; and the dykes themselves were protected with guns.

In May the long-hoped-for aid from England arrived, a fleet of thirty vessels under Lord Denbigh. The rumour of its coming had driven away the Spaniards; but Richelieu had not depended upon their support. The English fleet was ineffective and ill-found, the seamen were unwilling; and, after a futile demonstration against the guardships and the forts, Lord Denbigh sailed off again, leaving the city to its fate. In July another armament was begun, and in spite of the assassination of Buckingham, September 2 (N.S.), it set sail on September 17 under the Earl of Lindsey. But no serious attempt was made to force the passage; and the citizens, wasted by extremest famine and despairing of succour, concluded their capitulation on October 29 in sight of the English fleet. The city lost all its privileges, its walls were destroyed, the Catholic religion was restored to its rights; but the persons and the property of the citizens were spared, and the free exercise of Protestant worship in the city was permitted. On November 1 the King rode into the city. On November 11 the English sailed away.

Meanwhile warfare had been proceeding in Languedoc; but, so long as La Rochelle held out, the King's troops attempted nothing decisive, and Rohan, whose vigour, devotion, and ability alone maintained the

134

The Mantuan succession

[1627-9 existence of his party, was not strong enough to take a vigorous offensive. Such forces as remained to the Protestants were concentrated in the district between Toulouse and the Rhone. Partly by persuasion, partly by conviction, partly by compulsion, Montauban, Nîmes, Uzé, Castres, Milhau, Privas, besides a number of lesser towns, still held for the Huguenots; and the strong defensive position of the Cevennes afforded a place of muster and equipment, an arsenal, and a final retreat. But Rohan's authority was precarious, and he failed in an attempt to surprise Montpellier. On the other hand, Condé, who had become a firm adherent of the Cardinal, had received the promise of Rohan's confiscated estates, and commanded the King's troops in this district, could not or would not force the Protestants to a serious engagement; and operations were confined to petty sieges and systematic devastation of Protestant districts, with occasional reprisals on the part of the Huguenots. When La Rochelle had surrendered, the suppression of the remnants of Protestant liberty was no longer the most urgent task that demanded the Cardinal's attention.

On December 26, 1627, Duke Vincent II of Mantua had died, leaving no nearer male heir than Charles di Gonzaga, Duke of Nevers, a Frenchman by education and sympathy. Vincent before his death, acting under French influence, left his duchy by will to Charles, and married the daughter of his brother Francis, who had died in 1613, to Charles' son, the Duke of Rethel. Charles at once took possession of his duchy. But Spain was not willing to acquiesce in the establishment of a French prince in Italy. Other claimants were encouraged to put forward their claims; the Duke of Savoy was glad to have the chance of reviving his pretensions to Montferrat; the Emperor refused his investiture and formally sequestered the duchy; and Savoy and Spain, acting in concert, occupied Montferrat, with the exception of the important fortress of Casale, to which Gonzalez de Cordoba, the Governor of Milan, laid siege. So long as La Rochelle held out, France was unable to act, except by diplomacy; and force was needed. But Casale outlasted the Protestant capital; and, so soon as La Rochelle had fallen, Louis and Richelieu determined if possible to save Casale. The Duke of Savoy was requested to allow passage for the French troops; he bargained, but did not conclude; and on March 6, 1629, the French army crossed the frontier in his despite and seized the town of Susa. The Duke of Savoy then came to terms and made an agreement which allowed the French to relieve Casale. The Spaniards retired, and the immediate object of the expedition was achieved. But much still remained to be settled, and the French retained Susa as a guarantee. A league was formed between France, Venice, Mantua, and Savoy for the defence of Italy; the hands of France were freed by the conclusion of peace with England (April 24, 1629); Louis returned to France; and the Cardinal remained for a while at Susa with a considerable force