1635]

Difficulties of Sweden

365

many a battle. But all the world knew that France was Catholic as well as Spain; that Cardinals of the Roman Church directed the policy of France, and on occasion commanded her armies. Nor was it a secret that the policy of the House of Habsburg, whether in prosperity or in adversity, was entirely at odds with that of the Pope who reigned during two-thirds of this period. In a later chapter of this volume it will be shown how and why Urban VIII, though he could not be induced to lend his active support to Richelieu's anti-Habsburg designs, would not lift a finger to impede their progress. The attitude consistently maintained by this Pontiff materially contributed to divest the latter part of the Thirty Years' War of the character of a religious struggle, and thus, on both sides, augmented its perplexities; and the personal impotence of his successor, Innocent X, left the political situation in Europe virtually unchanged.

During the summer of 1635, the renewal at Compiègne of the Franco-Swedish alliance, of which Oxenstierna had taken care to delay the ratification, failed to counterbalance the Emperor's success in concluding the Peace of Prague. That Peace had drawn, or was drawing, over to him nearly all the Protestant Estates of the Empire. Early in July, William of Weimar placed his troops under Saxon control; and by the end of that month Duke George of Lüneburg accepted the Peace and threw up his command under the Alliance of Heilbronn. Even Landgrave William of Hesse-Cassel declined to unite his troops with those of Bernard of Weimar, outside whose camp there remained no rallying-point for militant German Protestantism. Much therefore had to be accomplished before the Franco-Swedish alliance could dominate the progress of the conflict, as it had in the days of Gustavus Adolphus' victorious advance. Unless the truce concluded in 1629 through French mediation between Sweden and Poland, and about to expire in the autumn of 1635, were renewed, and converted into an enduring peace, Sweden could not command the resources necessary for carrying on the war in Germany. In vain, before concluding with France, Oxenstierna had sought to raise funds in England and Holland, and at Venice. The Swedish Government was, moreover, suspicious of the intentions of Christian IV of Denmark. In the early part of 1635 he actually thought of entering into an alliance with Poland; but Oxenstierna opportunely facilitated the succession of the Danish Prince Frederick in the archiepiscopal province of Bremen, and Christian IV never acceded to the Peace of Prague. But if Sweden was to continue to take part in the German War, she must come to terms with Poland; and to this end Richelieu sent one of the most capable of French diplomatists, Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux, to Stuhmsdorf, where the negotiations for the renewal of the Swedish Truce with Poland were carried on. His efforts were supported by the Dutch and English ambassadors at the conference, and expedited by a lavish flow of money.

366

Banér and Torstensson

[1635 The desire of George William of Brandenburg for a settlement giving him undisturbed possession of his Prussian duchy prevailed over the Imperialist policy which, by Schwarzenberg's advice, he had followed in acceding to the Peace of Prague. The compact concluded between Sweden and Poland at Stuhmsdorf in September, 1635, for a period of twenty years, left Brandenburg in full possession of East Prussia; but, by liberating the Swedish troops under Torstensson which had held Prussia and Livonia, placed both Mecklenburg and Pomerania in the power of Sweden; jeopardised the prospect of the acquisition of Pomerania by the Brandenburg dynasty on the death, then imminent, of Duke Bogislav XIV; and seriously threatened the security of the Mark.

Oxenstierna could now once more pursue the German War with vigour, and relieve Marshal Banér, who had stood his ground himself in a very difficult situation with that tenacity which distinguished him even among Swedish commanders. During the earlier months of 1635, and after the conclusion of the Peace of Prague, his army, which to the indignation of the Elector of Saxony was quartered in the diocese of Magdeburg, diminished in numbers and was much disheartened. He feared that his neighbour, Duke George of Lüneburg, between whom and himself there had been constant friction, would entirely go over to the Imperial side, as both he and Duke William of Weimar, with their forces, actually did before the close of the year. A dangerous conspiracy against Banér's authority had to be suppressed in his own headquarters; and Oxenstierna, against whom the malcontents were violently excited, was obliged to take his departure secretly by night from Magdeburg to the Baltic coast. From July, 1635, onwards, a collision between Banér's army and the Saxon troops seemed imminent; and while they closed in upon the Elbe, Banér, who was losing all control over the mutinous German officers in his army, fell back upon Thuringia. On October 16 John George issued his declaration of war against Sweden, in a document full of involutions worthy of the Saxon Chancery; and, while his army marched down the Elbe past Havelberg in order to cut off Banér from Pomerania and the sea, an Imperial force attempted to prevent Torstensson, now approaching from the north, from effecting a junction with him. But Torstensson, though a constant sufferer from infirmities brought on by his imprisonment at Ingolstadt after he had fallen into the enemy's hands at Nürnberg, had learnt rapidity of movement as well as strategical skill from his master Gustavus, and outmarched his opponents. Thus, when on November 1 Banér had by a successful fight at Dömitz opened the passage across the Elbe into Mecklenburg, Torstensson was quickly on the spot; and between them the two Swedish generals once more controlled all Mecklenburg and Pomerania. The attempt of the Saxons to advance into the former duchy was repelled by the Swedes at Goldberg (December 7); and, driving them back into Brandenburg, Banér took Havelberg, the fortifications of Werben, and the dam at

1635-6] Operations of the French and Bernard of Weimar 367

Fehrbellin (December 12-January 2). Meanwhile, Torstensson had defeated another division of the Saxons at Kyritz further north (December 17). At first the Elector of Brandenburg had trembled both for the safety of his capital and for his own; but Berlin was covered by Saxon and Imperialist troops; and, while Banér's moved on to Thuringia and Saxony, George William on January 26, 1636, launched against him a uselessly provocative declaration of war.

While thus in north-eastern Germany Sweden recovered much of the ground formerly held by her, and of her military prestige, the operations of France proved by no means equally successful.

War was actually declared by France against Spain by a herald who made his appearance at Brussels on May 26, 1635; and the war which Richelieu had for some months been assiduously preparing was opened all along the line of the French eastern frontier. The efforts of France in the Netherlands, in Italy, and in the Valtelline have been noted elsewhere. A fourth army, under old Marshal La Force, was to coöperate with Bernard of Weimar in the defence of the Rhine. But, notwithstanding the diplomatic exertions of Feuquières, the relations between Bernard and the French Crown were still unsettled, and La Force was detained in Lorraine by the attempt of Duke Charles to recover his duchy (April). Bernard, eager to recross the Rhine from Speier and to offer battle to Gallas, who at the head of 20,000 men was approaching the right bank, was unable to run the hazard without French support, and, to make sure of this, was obliged to move back; while the Imperialists secured all the places of transit on the Upper and Middle Rhine, taking Kaiserslautern where the famous Swedish Yellow Regiment was cut to pieces, forcing Heidelberg to capitulate, and laying siege to Mainz (June-July). It was not till July 27 that Bernard, whose force had dwindled to 7000 men, effected his juncture with an army of 12,000 French under Cardinal La Valette, whom Richelieu had at last ordered to advance from Langres. La Valette, though not a general of first-rate capacity, coöperated loyally with Bernard of Weimar; and his indifference to the wrath of Pope Urban VIII made him a fitting agent of the present policy of his fellow Cardinal. The siege of Mainz was now raised by the Imperialists; and on August 8 Bernard held his entry into the city, while La Valette took Kreuznach. But they were unable to prevent their adversaries from shortly afterwards occupying Frankfort, which, though so long the headquarters of the Suedo-German Alliance, always favoured the Emperor.

Bernard of Weimar's position in the Gustafsburg on the right bank of the Rhine opposite Mainz speedily became untenable. No dependence was to be placed upon his officers, who had remained unpaid for about a year, unless he could satisfy their demands; and he informed Feuquières that, if he was to carry on operations on the right bank for the King and "the common cause," he must have a sufficient army, and

368

French retreat into Lorraine

[1635 a subsidy wherewith to pay it. But the French Government having reduced his proposals as to men by one-third, and as to money by three-fourths, he returned to the left bank, after parting with several of his officers. His withdrawal was effected in conjunction with that of La Valette's army, in which Turenne, who had hoped to hold Mainz, distinguished himself by his exertions. The retreating troops had more than one brush with the vanguard of Gallas' army before, at the end of September, they reached Metz in safety. Their strength was not above 5000 men, chiefly cavalry; but Richelieu was overjoyed that the army had been saved; and the good understanding between the two leaders had been most satisfactorily maintained.

Gallas, who had reached Lorraine in November when King Louis XIII himself appeared on the scene to confront him and Duke Charles, was, probably in consequence of Banér's victories in the Mark, ordered to fall back on Elsass. His retreat was carried out in wintry weather, and amidst extraordinary sufferings - "splendidissima miseria " is the phrase of the Irish chaplain of Devereux's (formerly Walter Butler's) regiment. About half of Gallas' army of invasion reached Zabern (Saverne), where in its winter-quarters it dwindled still further. But, though the attempt to drive the French and Bernard out of Elsass and Lorraine had failed, the Middle Rhine, the Lower Moselle, and the Saar, as well as the Main and the Neckar, remained in the hands of the Imperialists; and, besides Mannheim, Heidelberg, and Frankenthal, Mainz had capitulated to them (December). Bernard of Weimar was cut off from the right bank of the Rhine, Strassburg being the only place of transit across the river not in hostile hands.

The results of the French campaign on the Rhine had thus been hardly less disappointing than that of the other campaigns designed by Richelieu for the year 1635; and it had become clear that, if another Imperialist irruption across the Rhine was to be prevented and the right bank to be attacked, terms must be made with Bernard of Weimar. There was no other body of German troops as to which negotiation. remained possible except that levied by Landgrave William of HesseCassel, who was still hesitating as to his ultimate action.

The difficulties of Bernard's position had increased by his retreat upon Lorraine after he had half committed himself to France. Had he been devoid, as he was not, both of national pride and of religious enthusiasm, he might still have become a freebooter like some Protestant Princes in an earlier stage of the War, or followed the example which had now been so widely set, and made his peace with the Emperor. Even at a later date a locus poenitentiae would have been found open for him, if he had brought his troops over with him. But he preferred the readier way: and, on October 27, an agreement was signed at Paris between his agent Ponikau and the French Government, which remained the basis, though a somewhat shifting one, of the subsequent relations

1635-6] Compact between the French Crown and Bernard 369

between Bernard and the French Crown. He was to receive annually four millions of livres, to be paid to him in quarterly instalments; but one-half of the first million was to be paid at once for the equipment of his troops. In return, he was to maintain an army of at least 6000 horse and 12,000 foot; the payments to be reduced in proportion, if the force fell short of this total, or if it was able to maintain itself in invaded hostile lands; while a share of the subsidy was to be made. over by him to any German Prince or city that should join him as a belligerent. King Louis undertook, in the event of the capture of Bernard or any of his generals or officers, to conclude no peace that should not provide for their release; and Bernard in return promised for himself and any allies of his to conclude no peace with the Emperor except with the King's approval. A secret article assured to Bernard the title of Général des forces de la confédéralité; but, though he was allowed the immediate direction of military operations, he bound himself not to employ the forces maintained by the King of France except under the royal authority. For himself, he was promised an annual grant of 200,000 livres, to be reduced to 150,000 on the conclusion of peace; while another secret article assured to him the possession of the "landgravate of Elsass" with all the rights (including those over the fortified places) that had belonged to the House of Austria.

This compact, which had been speedily ratified by Louis XIII, was promptly signed by Bernard on November 19. The only stipulation which he desired to add was that the quarterly payments of the subsidy on which the maintenance of his army would depend should be made in advance. It is not easy to decide whether the French or Bernard correctly interpreted the agreement between them: in other words, whether he had become a paid officer of the French Crown, or whether he still stood towards it in the relation of an auxiliary. But for the ambiguity in the terms of the compact, it would probably never have been concluded. As a matter of fact, the payment of the subsidy was constantly delayed; the force for which it was to provide was always found insufficient; and so things went on in a vicious circle. The first two months of the year 1636 passed without Bernard's being able to augment his army, which had been ordered to occupy the line of the Saar and face the Spaniards at Luxemburg, and without any money reaching him from Paris. Early in March he presented himself in person at the French capital. But his and Grotius' representations there only resulted and this through the personal intervention of Richelieu - in obtaining for him an immediate payment of 600,000 livres, with which, worn in both health and temper, he returned in May to the scene of war.

In the meantime Richelieu's resolution to overthrow the ascendancy of the House of Habsburg was more firmly fixed than ever; and Oxenstierna, after long hesitating as to the ratification of the Treaty of

C. M. H. IV.

24