years ago existed steelbow leases, by which the landlord stocked the farm with corn, cattle, implements, &c., the tenant returning similar articles at the expiration of his tenancy and paying in addition to the ordinary rent a steelbow rent of per cent. on the value of the stock. United States. Agricultural rents are, from the different position of the cultivators of the land, of less importance than in England. The law is in general accordance with that of England. The tendency of modern State legislation is unfavourable to the continuance of distress as a remedy. In some States, such as Ohio and Tennessee, it never existed. Fee farm rents exist in some States, like Pennsylvania, which have not adopted the Statute of Quia Emptores as a part of their common law. (J. Wt.) REPLEVIN. Since the article DISTRESS (q.v.) was written the Agricultural Holdings Act, 1883, has made some changes in the law of replevin in England. The period of five days during which the tenant or owner of goods may replevy by 2 Will. & Mary c. 5, § 1, is extended in the case of holdings within the Act to fifteen days, on the tenant or owner making a request in writing to that effect and giving security for additional costs. A summary remedy in the nature of replevin is given, a court of summary jurisdiction having a jurisdiction concurrent with that of the county court conferred upon it in the case of distress on a holding within the Act. REPORTING. The curious among those who seek to trace political developments may, without any great strain on the imagination, find an intimate relation between the growth of newspaper reporting and the growth of democratic institutions; at any rate the two have always been found together. The history of reporting in Great Britain brings out the relationship with much clearness. There was no truly systematic reporting until the beginning of this century, and not until many years afterwards did it grow to be a most important, if not the most important, feature in newspapers. There was parliamentary reporting of a kind almost from the time when parliaments began. Single speeches, and even some consecutive account of particular proceedings in parliament, were prepared. But long after newspapers were commonly published no effort had been made to give reports either of the proceedings of parliament or of those of any other assembly dealing with the public interests. The first attempts at parliamentary reporting, in the sense of seeking to make known to the public what was done and said in parliament, began in a pamphlet published monthly in Queen Anne's time called The Political State. Its reports were mere indications of speeches. Later, the Gentleman's Magazine began to publish reports of parliamentary debates. Access to the Houses of Parliament was obtained by Cave, the publisher of the magazine, and some of his friends, and they took surreptitiously what notes they could. These were subsequently transcribed and brought into shape for publication by another hand. There was a strict prohibition of all public reporting; but the Gentleman's Magazine appears to have continued its reports for some time without attracting the attention or rousing the jealousy of the House of Commons. The publisher, encouraged by immunity from prosecution by parliament, grew bolder, and began in his reports to give the names of the speakers. Then he was called to account. The latest standing order on the subject at that time was one passed in 1728, which declared "that it is an indignity to, and a breach of, the privilege of this House for any person to presume to give, in written or printed newspapers, any account or minute of the debates or other proceedings; that upon discovery of the authors, printers, or publishers of any such newspaper this House will proceed against the offenders with the utmost severity." Under this and other standing orders, Cave's reports were challenged, as were those of other publishers in other magazines. They were denounced by resolution; and threats of prosecution were made, with the result that the reports appeared still, but without the proper names of the speakers, and under the guise of "Debates in the Senate of Lilliput" or some other like title. Long afterwards, in the latter half of the century, the newspapers began to report parliamentary debates more fully, with the result that, in 1771, several printers, including those of the Morning Chronicle and the London Evening Post, were ordered into custody for publishing debates of the House of Commons. A long and bitter struggle between the House and the public ensued. John Wilkes took part in it. The lord mayor of London and an alderman were sent to the Tower for refusing to recognize the Speaker's warrant for the arrest of certain printers of parliamentary reports. But the House of Commons was beaten. In 1772 the newspapers published the reports as usual; and their right to do so has never since been really questioned. Both Houses of Parliament, indeed, now show as much anxiety to have their debates fully reported as aforetime they showed resentment at the intrusion of the reporter. Provision has been made in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons for reporters. There are galleries in which they may take notes, and writing rooms in which those notes may be extended. In short, reporting is now one of the best marked of parliamentary institutions. But parliamentary reporting is only a small part of such work in newspapers. The newspapers in the beginning of this century rarely contained more than the barest outline of any speech or public address delivered in or in the neighbourhood of the towns where they were published. As parliamentary reporting began to grow, so did local reporting. After the peace of 1815 a period of much political fermentation set in, and the newspapers began to report the speeches of public men at greater length. All the attempts that were made from time to time to repress public meetings and demonstrations of dissatisfaction with the existing order of things did but increase the demand for reporting. It grew as the fetters were struck off public institutions. With the Reform Act of 1832 it got a great start forward; and the Municipal Reform Acts gave it a still stronger impulse. Then the proceedings of town councils could be reported, and every local newspaper took care that this was done. It was not, however, until well into what may be called the railway era that any frequent effort was made by newspapers to go out of their own district for the work of reporting. The London newspapers had before this led the way. In London alone were there daily newspapers. The proprietors of these papers had been compelled by the requirements of the public to make provision for the systematic reporting of the proceedings of parliament. For many years after the right to report those proceedings had been practically established, the work was done in a dilatory and clumsy fashion. Early in the present century, however, greater freedom of access to both Houses was given, and the manager of the Morning Chronicle established a staff of reporters. They began the system which with improvements has continued to this time. Each reporter took his "turn -that is, he took notes of the proceedings for a certain time, and then gave place to a colleague. The reporter who was relieved at once extended his notes, and thus prompt publication of the debates was made possible. Reporters had been found to supply the demand, and it had become the habit of the proprietors of the London newspapers to employ these men, out of the session of parliament, in reporting the speeches of public men in the country. The practice grew until there was a good deal of competition among the papers as to which should first issue a report of any speech of note. Railways were not; and reporters had frequently to ride long distances in post chaises, doing their best as they jolted along the were saying in parliament, and gradually the leading pro- roads to transcribe their notes, so that they might be ready | wanted to know more fully what their representatives for the printer on arrival at their destination. Charles Dickens used to tell several stories of his adventures of this kind while he held an engagement on the Morning Chronicle. He was, indeed, perhaps the best reporter of his time, and he was most successful in outstripping many of his rivals. One result of the efforts thus made was that the provincial newspapers were stimulated to greater efforts. Reporters were rapidly trained, and in all directions reporting grew. There were none but weekly newspapers; but they devoted much of their space to report ing, and public men became more ready to speak as they found that what they said would be more widely made known. As railways were extended, the newspapers were able to extend the sphere of their work of this kind, and reporting spread apace. Then, with changes in the fiscal policy of the country, daily newspapers sprang up in all directions; the electric telegraph was being improved and developed so that greater facilities were given for reporting; and in a few years the old supremacy of the London journals in this department of newspaper work had wellnigh disappeared. The country newspapers did more reporting of speeches and public meetings than the metropolitan papers. No public man made a speech but it was faithfully reproduced in print. Local governing bodies, charitable institutions, political associations, public companies-all these came in a short time to furnish work for the reporter, and had full attention paid to them. Curiously enough, while the country newspapers have thus cultivated reporting, and have made it one of their chief features, the London newspapers, for reasons into which this article need not enter, have fallen behind, and have for some years past given little attention to the work of which they were the originators. This fact explains a development of reporting which may be more fully described. When the second half of this century began, parliamentary reporting was a leading feature of the London newspapers. They had a monopoly of it. All the reporting arrangements in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons were made with sole regard to their requirements. There had indeed been a long battle between the Times and some of the other London newspapers as to which should have the best parliamentary report, and the Times had established its supremacy, which has never been shaken. But, while its reporting was fuller than that of other London daily newspapers, they did not neglect the work, and they gave in shorter compass admirable digests of the proceedings, with full reports of the most important speeches. The provincial newspapers were in the main obliged to copy the reports thus provided, and rarely made any attempt to get reports of their own. When the electric telegraph came into use for commercial purposes a change began. The company which first carried wires from London to the principal towns in the country started a reporting service for the country newspapers. It gathered up scraps of news and sent them to the journals that subscribed for the service. In addition, it procured admission to the parliamentary galleries for reporters in its employment, and began to send short accounts of the debates to the newspapers in the country. These newspapers were thus enabled to publish in the morning some account of the parliamentary proceedings of the previous night, instead of having to take like reports a day later from the London journals. The effect was greatly to stimulate the appetite of the provincial public for parliamentary reporting. The telegraph companies for a long time could or would do no more than they had begun by doing; and they offered no inducements to the provincial newspapers to telegraph speeches. The public meanwhile When the telegraphs were taken over by the state, the facilities for reporting were increased in every direction. But now, as to parliamentary reporting, a new difficulty arose. The London papers, with the exception of the Times, had given less and less attention to parliamentary There were, indeed, fairly long reports in one debates. or two other newspapers in London, but the tendency was to shorten them, while on the other hand several of the provincial newspapers were giving more space than ever These newspapers had to get their to the debates. The demand for such reportreports as best they could. ing had led, on the passing of the telegraphs into the hands of the state, to the formation of news agencies which undertook to supply the provincial papers. These agencies were admitted to the reporters' galleries in the Houses of Parliament, and they provided longer or shorter reports of the debates, to meet the wishes of their clients. But the reports which any agency supplied were identical; that is to say, all the newspapers taking a particular class of report had exactly the same material supplied to themthe reporter producing the number of copies required by means of manifold copying paper. It is easy to see that, though this might serve the purpose of most of them, it could not meet the requirements of all; and accordingly attempts were made to get separate reports by engaging the services of some of the reporters employed by the London papers. Nothing else indeed was possible. "gallery" was shut to all, save the London papers and the news agencies. The Scotsman sought in vain to break through this exclusiveness. The line, it was said, must be drawn somewhere, and the proper place to draw it was at the London press. Once that line was departed from every newspaper in the kingdom must have admission. But in 1880 a select committee of the House of Commons was appointed to consider the question. It took evidence, and it reported in favour of the extension of the gallery and of the admission of provincial papers. The result was that some of the papers entered into combinations to procure reports; that is to say, three or four papers which would be satisfied with the same report joined in providing The the necessary reporting staff. In other cases individual newspapers put themselves on the same footing as the London newspapers by engaging separate staffs of reporters. This is the arrangement now. Parliamentary reporting is much fuller in the leading provincial newspapers than it is in most of the London papers, though the reports for the former have in all cases to be telegraphed to them. The mode in which parliamentary reporting is carried out deserves some description. It has been said that the manager of the Morning Chronicle early in the century laid the foundation of the present system when he divided the work of reporting debates among a staff of reporters. That is exactly what is done now. The "gallery," as it is familiarly called, is arranged with boxes for note-takers overlooking the floor of the House, and with seats behind for other note-takers who are waiting to take their turn. The Times has three of the front boxes-one for the chief of its staff of reporters, one for a summary writer, and one for the note-taker engaged in the full report. Most of the other London papers have each two boxes-one for a summary writer, the other for a reporter. Each of the press agencies has two boxes. Hansard has one. The rest are occupied by provincial newspapers or by combinations of those newspapers. The staff of reporters attached to each paper or combination of papers numbers from six to sixteen shorthand writers. If, for the purpose of describing the work of parliamentary reporting, a staff of eight be assumed, the process can be made clear. One other preliminary point should be kept in mind: an expert and intelligent reporter can transcribe from his notes as much matter as that contained in a column of the Times in rather less than an hour and a half. The staff of eight men may have turns of a quarter of an hour or of half an hour, or of any other length of time that may be agreed upon. The House of Commons begins its ordinary sitting at a quarter to four. At that time reporter No. 1 takes his place in the box and notes all that passes in the House. At four, assuming quarter hour turns, No. 2 relieves him; at a quarter past four No. 3 relieves No. 2, and at half past four No. 4 relieves No. 3. It will thus be seen that the eight reporters will cover a period of two hours, and that each of them has an hour and three quarters in which to extend his notes. If he has had a quarter of an hour's note-taking of an important speaker he will have about three-quarters of a column of matter to write, and this he can do easily and have some time for rest before he has to take another turn.' In the case of an important debate extending far into the night, or into the morning, the "turns "" are shortened. Instead of a quarter of an hour, each reporter takes ten minutes, or five, or even three. The reporters go from the box to a writing room and there transcribe their notes, their "copy" being gathered by messengers attached to their paper, and carried by them to the printers. In the case of the provincial newspapers, the "copy" has to be telegraphed over the "special" or other wires, before it can reach the hands of sub-editors or compositors. That, however, is no affair of the reporter's. He has to produce his report with as much rapidity as he can. In the case of the Times his efforts are seconded by what is in practice an annihilation of the space between the House of Commons and the office of the paper. The reporter reads out from his notes to an operator on a telephonic wire, who speaks what he hears through that wire to the office of the paper. When it is received there it is spoken off again to a compositor at a composing machine; and thus it is most commonly in type and ready for printing long before the reporter's "copy could have been received from the House of Parliament. The telephone is also used in a similar way by some of the newspapers which have special wires. The latest parts of the report of a night's sitting are spoken through the telephone to the point from which the special wire starts, and they are promptly telegraphed to the newspaper for which they are intended. Thus it often happens that the finishing passages of a report of a late sitting in the House of Commons are actually in type in a newspaper office 400 miles away, before the members who have taken part in the proceedings have got on their greatcoats for their walk home. Parliamentary reporting, important as it is, yet forms a small part of the reporting which is done by the newspapers. All the public expositions of our complicated and busy social and national system are reported with a fulness, and on the whole with an amount of accuracy, that are surprising. Every newspaper of importance in the provinces has a more or less numerous staff of reporters at its command. In some cases, papers have separate staffs in different parts of the country. It is the business of these gentlemen to report all that is worth reporting for their journal. In the case of a long and important speech or meeting they will take turns in the reporting of it in the same way as turns are taken in the Houses of Parliament. But no newspaper is able to confine its reporting to events in its own neighbourhood. It must give to the public full accounts of speeches of prominent public men, no matter where they are delivered. Sometimes a reporter is sent far away to do this work. In such a case he usually joins for the occasion the staff of one of the newspapers of the neighbourhood; or he and other reporters from a distance make up a staff to do the work. Again the system of turns comes in. But, for the most part, speeches of statesmen in different parts of the country are reported for newspapers at a distance by one or other of the news agencies, which send down staffs of reporters for the work. In some cases, all these modes of working are seen together there are representatives of individual newspapers from far and near, and there are the staffs of the news agencies. During Mr Gladstone's Midlothian campaign he had seldom fewer than seventy reporters in his train. a As a rule, reporters are shorthand writers. That became necessity when the demand for reporting greatly increased, and when the very words of a speaker had to be given. But what is spoken of as verbatim reporting is in no sense the best. It is a necessity, but to a great extent is merely mechanical. The reporter has acquired dexterity in shorthand writing, and he can read his notes fluently. Far more is required for that better reporting which conveys to the public the full sense of what a speaker has said without giving all his superfluous words. This is an art which is not universally acquired by reporters. They have learned to depend so much upon their notes that they do not learn to exercise their brains. There is much reporting which shortens speeches by wholesale excisions rather than by judicious and intelligent compression. It would, however, be unjust to pass over the many proofs of high intelligence which the reporting in our newspapers contains. The task of the reporter is often not easy. He has, to use a familiar adage, to make many silk purses out of sows' ears; and he does it patiently and well-so well that the author of the material operated upon is often inclined to take all the credit to himself. So far, the reporting which has been spoken of is that by which speeches and debates are produced in print for the public information. But there is another kind of reporting which ought not to be passed over. What is commonly called "descriptive reporting" has in some cases nearly shouldered the reporting of speeches out of newspapers. Is there a royal progress, or a military display, or a pageant of any kind-the descriptivo reporter is called into requisition. He has to describe as best he can all that happens. It is a simple statement of fact to say that newspapers have on Mention has been made of the connexion of the electric telegraph with reporting; and it has been said that, since the telegraphs have been extended and telegraphing has been cheapened, the sphere of reporting has been widened and the demand for it has increased. No daily newspaper now confines its reporting to the affairs of the part of the country in which it is published. The electric telegraph brings the most distant places within easy reach of every newspaper. It has also made the work of the reporter more arduous and his responsibility greater. He cannot postpone the transcription of his notes to another day. The speech that is not finished in Manchester at midnight must be printed in full in the London newspaper which goes to press before three o'clock in the morning. The meeting which does not finish at Wick till midnight must be reported in the next day's papers in Edinburgh. All this means that the reporter must work under great pressure, and that he must exercise the greatest care in extending his notes. He has no time for revision, no opportunity of amending any doubtful passage. When these drawbacks are considered, it will most likely be felt that the work of reporting is not easy. Yet its importance could not well be overrated. Reporting is the feature in the journalism of to-day which the public could least afford to lose. The editor of a newspaper may influence public opinion, but the reporter furnishes the material for its formation. Fair reporting is indeed a great security for freedom and for moderation. It enables all who can read to see the arguments for and against any proposal; it shows how public bodies discharge their duties; it indicates the wants and wishes, the hopes and fears of the public; it puts within easy reach the means of combating wild and foolish propositions, however superficially attractive they may be; in short, it makes the whole country an open council on all questions affecting the souls and bodies, the education and the government, of the people. It is but fair to add that reporting is done as a rule with great ability and fairness. The reporter rarely carries his likes or his dislikes into his work. He is scrupulously just, and as scrupulously impartial, though it may be that this is not always the opinion of some men who make speeches of which little is seen in the shape of reporting. (C. CO.) REPOUSSÉ. See METAL-WORK and PLATE. REPRODUCTION I. ANIMAL REPRODUCTION. § 1. ASEXUAL REPRODUCTION. S a general account of this process has already been given (see BIOLOGY, vol. iii. p. 686), and the details of its occurrence in the various groups are described in the articles devoted to them (see PROTOZOA, HYDROZOA, TAPEWORM, &c.), it suffices here to recall the very broadest aspect of the phenomena, that asexual reproduction is simply discontinuous growth, and that, as we make an ascending survey of the Metazoa, that simple form of discontinuous growth which we term asexual reproduction becomes more and more subordinated to, and at last wholly "sexual" " form of replaced by, that more differentiated or reproduction characterized by the union of two heterogeneous cell-elements-never to reappear save in degenerate forms. See SEX. § 2. SEXUAL REPRODUCTION. In the lowest forms of animal life the process of sexual reproduction is found in its simplest imaginable expression unassociated with any of those complexities which arise among the higher animals and plants. All that is to be observed is the growth of the reproductive organs, the maturation of their products, and the passive liberation of these, the fecundation of the ovum and the fate of the embryo being entirely left to the circumstances of the environment. In higher forms, however, not only does this process of maturation become more complex and of far more marked influence over the other functions of the organism, but the attraction of the sexes becomes distinct and leads to new specializations of function and structure. Maturation. The maturation of the sexes acquires, as has been said, increasing definiteness in the higher forms, where it is associated with various characteristic accompaniments. The profound reaction of reproductive maturity upon the whole system is best marked in Birds and Mammals, and perhaps most of all in Man. Thus in a young male Bird the circulation in the testes is greatly increased, and these organs increase greatly in size and weight and commence to develop spermatozoa. Meanwhile the secondary sexual characters of the adult-gayer plumage for alluring the female, or weapons for contest with other males-make their appearance, the voice and note may alter, and a marked increase of strength and courage may appear. Among Mammals the changes are of similar order, the secondary sexual char The minor changes at acters of course differing in detail. The local and cellular activity within the ovary, which The direct causes of this process of ovulation have been sometimes ascribed to the congestion of the blood-vessels of the ovary and to its own internal turgidity, or to the existence of a slight contractility of its stroma; it seems, however, rather to depend upon the growth and turgescence of the individual follicle. The question of the relation of ovulation to the process of copulation in the higher animals has also been much discussed. Though we certainly know that ovulation is of regular occurrence whether fecundation takes place or not, it seems that in many cases copulation is speedily followed by the liberation of an ovum; nor is it difficult to see how the profound nervous and circulatory excitement associated with the former process might accelerate the bursting of a follicle. Leopold has conclusively shown, however, that ovulation may also long precede impregnation. In many forms it is not easy to see how the ova once liberated into the body-cavity find their way safely into the small opening of the discontinuous oviduct. In the Frog, however, tracts of the peritoneal epithelium become ciliated, so propelling the ova in the right direction. In Reptiles, Birds, and Mammals the open end of the oviduct is widened and fringed, and lies close to or even touching the ovary; muscular fibres too are present, and more or less active movements of this dilated end over the ovarian surface have been alleged to occur. The oviduct once reached, the downward progress of the ovum is ensured by the cilia of the epithelial lining, and probably also by peristaltic movements of its muscular coat. (1)1 Menstruation. The process of menstruation (menses, catamenia), although from the earliest times the subject of medical inquiry, is by no means yet clearly understood. It occurs usually at intervals of a lunar month in all women during their period of potential fertility (fecundity), and, so far from being confined to the human species, has been observed at the period of "heat" in a large number of Mammals. Though thus clearly a normal physiological process, it yet evidently lies on the borders of pathological change, as is evidenced not only by the pain which so frequently accompanies it, and the local and constitutional disorders which so frequently arise in this connexion, but by the general systemic disturbance and local histological changes of which the discharge is merely the outward expression and result. The histological facts are briefly as follows. The mucous lining of the uterus consists of a loose vascular connective tissue covered by ciliated epithelium and containing numerous glands of clear alkaline secretion. This mucous lining before the outset of menstruation becomes loose and oedematous, its lymphatics being greatly distended; it thus thickens considerably, pressing against the cervix of the uterus. An extravasation of blood from the capillaries next takes place over the whole surface of the mucous layer, and the discharge is thus set up. This consists at first of blood largely diluted with the secretion of the uterine glands, but soon becomes mixed with detritus from the disintegration of the mucous coat, of which not only the general epithelial cells but those of the neck of the glands, and even part of the subjacent connective tissue, undergo fatty degeneration and fall off, occasionally even in a mass. After from three to six days the blood ceases to appear, and the lost epithelium is rapidly replaced, apparently by proliferation from the necks of the glands. By the ninth or tenth day the mucous coat is fully healed and the beginnings of the next menstrual process recommence. The age at which the process commences varies with race and climate, with nutrition and growth, with habit of life (e.g., with differences between town and country life), and with mental and moral characteristics. Of these, however, climate seems most important; thus, while in northern Europe the average age is reckoned at the beginning of the fifteenth year, in the tropics it seems to commence in the ninth or tenth. The cessation of menstruation usually takes place between the age of forty-five and fifty, and, somewhat as the secondary characteristics of female puberty coincide with its appearance, a less distinct reduction of these is associated with its close; in many cases secondary resemblances to the masculine type may supervene. The old theories of menstruation were that it served to rid the system of impure blood, that it simply corresponded to the period of "heat" observed in lower animals, or, later, that it was associated with ovulation, which indeed seems broadly to correspond with the end of 1 These numbers refer to the bibliography at p. 422. the menstrual period. At present there may be said to be two rival theories. According to the first of these the process is viewed as a kind of surgical "freshening" of the uterus for the reception of the ovum, whereby the latter during the healing process can be attached safely to the uterine wall. The other view is exactly the reverse of this. Its upholders regard the growth of the mucous coat before the commencement of the flow as a preparation for the reception of an ovum, if duly fertilized, and the menstrual process itself as the expression of the failure of these preparations, in short as a consequence of the non-occurrence of pregnancy. A decided majority of gynecologists appear to incline to the latter view. (1) Comparative Anatomy of the Reproductive Organs.-The multicellular animals afford a remarkable series of gradations from the simplest imaginable case in which certain cells, independently of accessory organs, and even isolated from each other, develop into ova and spermatozoa. In the vast majority of cases, however, definite groups of cells are set apart as the essential reproductive glands-the ovary and the testis. The contents of these may simply break loose, but definite excretory ducts are very frequently present, and upon these very varied complications may arise. To the male ducts a seminal reservoir may be added. More or less specialized glandular regions may contribute their secretion to the seminal fluid, and a more or less complicated copulatory apparatus may also be superadded. The female accessory organs are equally simple in principle and complex in detail. Nutritive material may be furnished to the ova by special yolk glands, or by the walls of the oviduct; this too may supply special envelopes, and may exhibit dilatations for the preservation or development of the ova (uterus), for the reception of the male copulatory organ (vagina), or for the temporary storage of the seminal fluid thus introduced (receptaculum seminis). It is necessary therefore briefly to outline the most important facts of the comparative anatomy and physiology of these organs in the various groups. Passing over the little-understood Orthonectida and Dicyemida (see PARASITISM, vol. xviii. p. 259), the Sponges present the very simplest case above referred to. Here and there throughout the mesoderm a cell may be observed enlarging to form an ovum, or segmenting to form a mass of spermatozoa, but no definite reproductive glands, much less any duct or accessory organ, are present, and at most the ovum forms for itself a kind of nest among the surrounding cells, an approach towards the epithelial follicle of higher forms being thus presented. Coelentera.-In Anthozoa the generative organs are developed as ridges on the gastric septa, their products passing out by the mouth; and in the Ctenophora each radial canal bears an ovarian ridge on one side and a testicular on the other. Keen controversy has raged over the state of matters in the Hydromedusa. Kleinenberg derived both ovum and sperms in Hydra from the ectoderm, while Van Beneden endeavoured to prove the invariable origin of the ovarian tract from the endoderm and that of the testicular from the ectoderm; but subsequent observers, so far from confirming the constancy of this arrangement, have affirmed in many forms the ectodermic and in others the endodermic origin in both cases. Weismann and De Varenne have recently very completely demonstrated the more remarkable fact that in a great number of forms the generative elements do not arise in the so-called generative buds or gonophores at all, but actually migrate thither from the parenchyma (coenenchyma) of the nutritive polyp or trophosome-the latter observer indeed going so far as to allege the primitive origin by ova and spermatozoa in all cases from the endo |