FREE GOVERNMENTS—ECHOES THE SENTIMENTS OF HIS PRED· DEMOCRATS believe in a full, unequivocal, and hearty support of the Constitution, in a strict construction of it, and in the spirit and the purpose for for which it was formed, and in Madison, also, who took such a deep interest in its formation, as to be called "the Father of the Constitution," they have another exponent of sound Democratic principles. He knew well the principles on which that constitution was founded. He had studied the rise, progress, decay and fall of every free government which had gone before, and profiting by the very misfortunes of other nations, he had secured in the adoption of our Constitution, such principles as he fondly believed would prevent us as a people from falling into similar errors. Standing upon the threshold of his great office, as President of the United States, succeeding Jefferson, he announced the following as additional principles, vital to the welfare of the American people, in their intercourse with foreign nations. They were in part but the echoes, of what came from the lips of Washington and Jefferson, and became the policy of the Democratic party ever since. He announced them as follows: 1. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having a corresponding disposition. 2. To maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations. 3. To prefer, in all cases, amicable discussions and reasonable accommodation of differences, to a decision of them by an appeal to arms. 4. To exclude foreign intrigues, and foreign partialties, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones. 5. To foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own; too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and not too elevated to look down upon them in others. 6. To hold the Union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness. 7. To support the Constitution which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities. 8. To respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and the people, as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system. 9. To avoid the slightest interferences with the rights of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction. 10. To preserve in their full energy the salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and the freedom of the press. 11. To observe economy in public expenditures. 12. To liberate public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts. 13. To keep within the requisite limits a standing military force-always remembering, that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics. 14. That without standing armies their liberties can never be in danger, nor with large ones, safe. 15. To promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to commerce, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce. 16. To favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment of true liberty. 17. To carry on benevolent plans for the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state. In one of his messages he also laid down the principle, that a well-instructed people alone can be permanently free. In the principles of Andrew Jackson the Democracy take great pride. From his Inaugural address on March 4th, 1829, to the close of his administration of eight years, in every message to Congress he uttered Democratic sentiments in a terse, vigorous style, which, on account of their self-evident truth. deeply rooted themselves in American hearts, and became the principles of the Democratic party, which, during his administration first took that name, and which it has held ever since. They are found scattered all through his messages, and were his guide in deciding all questions of national policy, so many of which pressed themselves upon him during his term of office. From these the following may be selected and placed in order, which should be thoroughly studied and applied to all questions which may even now arise. 1. He said: "Regard should be had for the rights of the several States, taking care not to confound the powers reserved to them, with those they had in the Constitution granted to the general government." In every aspect of the case, advantage must result from strict and faithful economy in the administration of public affairs. 3. He declared the unnecessary duration of the public debt incompatible with real independence. 4. In the adjustment of a tariff for revenue, he insisted that a spirit of equity, caution and compromise requires the great interests of agriculture, manufactures and commerce to be equally favored. 5. He admitted the policy of internal improvements to be wise only, in so far as they could be promoted by constitutional acts of the general government. 6. He declared standing armies to be dangerous to free government, and that the military should be in strict subordination to the civil power. 7. He declared the National Militia to be the bulwark of our national defence. In enforcing this principle he declared that, so long as the government was administered for the good of the people, and regulated by their will-so long as it secured to the people the rights of person and of property, liberty of conscience and of the press, the government would be worth defending, and so-long as it was worth defending, the patriotic militia would cover it with an impenetrable ægis. 8. He pledged himself to the work of reform in the administration, so that the patronage of the general government which had been brought into conflict with the freedom of elections, and had disturbed the rightful course of appointments, by continuing in power unfaithful and incompetent servants, should no longer be used for that purpose, |