CHAPTER VI.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS, 1800-1836-1840.

PLATFORM OF

THE PLATFORM ON WHICH THOMAS JEFFERSON WAS ELECTEDMARTIN VAN BUREN, DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE 1836-PLATFORM OF THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION, MAY 5TH,

1840.

THERE is no record of political platforms previous to the year A. D. 1800. In that year, at a Congressional caucus held, the following platform was adopted, upon which Thomas Jefferson was elected President, in opposition to John Adams:

1. An inviolable preservation of the Federal Constitution according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies.

2. Opposition to monarchizing its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a transition, first to a President and Senate for life, and secondly, to a hereditary tenure of those offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle.

3. Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its constitutional share in division

of powers; and resistance, therefore, to existing movements for transferring all the powers of the States to the general government, and all of those of that government to the executive branch.

A rigorous, frugal administration of the government, and the application of all the possible savings of the public revenue to the liquidation of the public debt; and resistance, therefore, to all measures looking to a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to create partisans, and to augment the public debt on the principle of its being a public blessing.

5. Reliance for internal defence solely upon the militia till actual invasion; and for such naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors from depredations; and opposition, therefore, to the policy of a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment, and to a navy, which by its own expenses and the wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with public burdens, and sink us under them.

6. Free commerce with all nations; political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.

7. Opposition to linking ourselves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering their fields of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty.

8. Freedom of religion and opposition to all

maneuvers to bring about a legal establishment of one sect over another.

9. Freedom of speech and of the press; and opposition, therefore, to all violations of the constitution, to silence by force and not by reason the complaints of criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their public agents.

10. Liberal naturalization laws under which the well disposed of all nations who may desire to embark their fortunes with us and share with us the public burdens, may have that opportunity under moderate restrictions, for the development of honest intention, and severe ones to guard against the usurpation of our flag.

11. Encouragement of science and the arts in all their branches, to the end that the American people may perfect their independence of all foreign monopolies, institutions and influences.

Upon the foregoing platform Thomas Jefferson was elected President, over John Adams, the Federal candidate.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM OF 1836.-From the time that Thomas Jefferson was elected President, down to January, A. D. 1836, when Martin Van Buren became the Democratic candidate, we find no formal declaration of principles by the party, as announced by Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson, stated in another part of this volume, in their messages to Congress, forming the leading tenets

of the party, and to which, afterwards, frequent allusions are made in the declarations of principles by the Democratic party.

In January, A. D. 1836, the following platform of principles was put forth by the party:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created free and equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that the true foundation of Republican Government is the equal rights of every citizen in his person and property and in their management; that the idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up our natural right; that the rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce only our natural right to commit aggressions on the equal rights of another, and this is all from which the law ought to restrain him; that every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of society, and this is all the law should enforce on him; that when the laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions.

We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper money as a circulating medium,* because gold and silver is the only safe and constitutional currency; opposition to any and all monopolies by

* This had reference to the issue of paper money by irresponsible private corporations.

legislation, because they are violations of equal rights of the people; hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of vested rights or prerogatives by legislation, because they are usurpations of the peoples' sovereign rights; no legislative or other authority in the body politic can rightfully by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of men in any case whatever from trial by jury, and the jurisdiction or operation of the laws which govern the community.

We hold that each and every law or act of incorporation passed by preceding legislatures can be rightfully altered and repealed by their successors, and that they should be altered or repealed when necessary for the public good, or when required by a majority of the people.

PLATFORM OF 1840. On May 5th, 1840, the following platform was adopted by the Democracy, in convention assembled at Baltimore:

1. RESOLVED, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown therein, ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government the power to commence