CHAPTER VIII.

DEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS, 1860-1864.

CONVENTION AT CHARLESTON, APRIL 23, 1860-DIVISION IN THE CONVENTION-HON B. F. BUTLER-RESOLUTIONS OF THE MINORITY--CHICAGO CONVENTION, AUG. 29, 1864-RESOLUTIONS -PACIFIC RAILROAD-ACQUISITION OF CUBA.

THAT We, the Democracy of the Union, in convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati in the year A.D. 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject matters; and we recommend, as further resolutions, the following:

insomuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as to the powers and duty of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the territories.

2. That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of Constitutional law.

3. That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.

4. That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific Coast, at the earliest practicable period.

5. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves, and just to Spain.

Here a resolution was adopted, temporary in character, and the platform was closed by the following resolution:

7. That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the territorial governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the territorial legislature, over the subject of domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be respected by all good citizens and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general government.

A portion of the convention seceded from the remainder, and organized in another hall, over which

Hon. B. F. Butler, of Mass., presided, adopted the following resolutions on the subjects, in controversy, viz.:

1. That the government of a territory, organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence, all citizens of the United States, have an equal right to settle, with their property, in the territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or territorial legislation.

2. That it is the duty of the Federal government, in all its departments, to protect when necessary the rights of persons and properties in the territories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority extends.

3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate population form a state constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States, and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery.

These three last stated resolutions, compared with the resolution number seven (7) preceding them, shows the difference in the party concerning the subject of permitting or prohibiting slavery in the territories of the United States.

The rebellion having resulted in the abolition of slavery, the principles were never required to be applied, and there the contest ended. It may, however, be stated as an historical fact, that Congress has ever since claimed to have more or less authority over territories, until a State Constitution has been formed, and the State admitted into the Union.

The foregoing resolutions, however, clearly show the view of the Democracy on the subject of the relation of territories to the Union.

PLATFORM OF 1864-CHICAGO, AUGUST 29.-That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union, under the Constitution, as the only solid foundation of our strength, security and happiness as a people, and as a framework of government equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.

That this Convention does explicity declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which under the pretense of a military necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private right, alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of

hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of all the States."

In regard to this resolution it should be remarked, that it has so often been mis-quoted by the opponents of the Democratic party, asserting that the resolution declared the war itself a failure, that many, doubtless, still believe it. Nothing was farther from the truth. The war was not a failure, nor was it so declared; but the resolution did declare the opinion that after four years of failure to restore the Union by war, some efforts should be made to restore it by peace. The war itself was a brilliant success, but great as it was, something more was necessary to restore the Union, and so dear to the hearts of Democrats was that old Union of States, that they were willing to try every possible effort to succeed in their desires. War had been triedhundreds and thousands of precious lives had been sacrificed, millions upon millions of money had been spent and the Democracy desired to supplement the glorious deeds of the soldier, by the wise and calm action of the statesman.

They desired to show to those who had gone into rebellion that they desired them to return to their allegiance, and meet once more around a common altar, as it were, to do by wise statesmanship what war had thus far failed to accomplish. These