and advantages, our former high career of commerce and civilization."

One would think that once introduced, the subject would be dwelt upon at some length; but no. The pith of what we are informed in the next paragraph is, that "our relations with Egypt, as well as our relations with the Barbary powers, are entirely satisfactory." Those who had any apprehensions from those quarters, may now feel fully reassured. From Egypt Mr. Lincoln takes a characteristic stride to China and Japan, and makes some curious observations about each of those nations. Thus, for example, in speaking of the former, he says: "The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been suppressed, with the co-operation and good offices of this government and the other Western commercial states." If the Chinese saw this they would be apt to say, "Physician, why not heal thyself?"

After Japan has been disposed of in a manner equally summary, we are informed at last that "the ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by proclamation." This suggests to Mr. Lincoln certain ideas on maritime affairs, and prompts him to give us the following curious and somewhat hypothetical piece of information: "Disloyal emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were before that time, in their efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign wars." The maritime states receive a handsome compliment; and we are told that although certain vexatious things sometimes happen on our Canadian frontier, "the colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be internationally unjust or unfriendly towards the United States; but, on the contrary, there is every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial government, they will take the necessary measures to prevent new incursions across the border."

After Mr. Lincoln has thus settled the affairs of numerous governments of Europe, Asia, and America, including despotisms, limited monarchies, democracies, oligarchies, &c., &c., he proceeds to tell us something about home affairs. And what seems most strange to us is that he seems to understand the business of all others much better than his own. He knows exactly what is going on, not only in Mexico and all the South American republics, but also what is passing in the remotest parts of China and Japan; but he is satisfied with

the vaguest hearsay as to what is passing at home, within fifty miles of his residence. In short, judging from his Message, he knows vastly more about the Chinese rebels than he does about those rebels against whom Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, and others are fighting; although he could easily inform himself as to the conduct of the latter, if it were not so dangerous to life and limb to venture within range of their batteries.

It is pleasant to learn from our chief-magistrate that "we have more men now than we had at the beginning of the war,” "that we are gaining strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely;" but it seems we may thank the despotisms of Europe for this, and those "foreigners" who not very long ago were to be regarded only as an element of danger to the country, and whose coming amongst us should accordingly be discouraged by every true patriot and enlightened statesman. Mr. Lincoln himself is very much slandered, if he did not at one time advance arguments of this kind against foreign emigration to our shores. Be this as it may, Time is an excellent instructor in the science of political economy, as will sufficiently appear from the following extract from the document before us:

"The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of emigration has, as far as was possible, been put into operation. It seems to need an amendment which will enable the officers of the government to prevent the practice of frauds against the emigrants while on their way and on their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them here a free choice of avocations and places of settlement. A liberal disposition towards this great national policy is manifested by most of the European states, and ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the emigrants effective national protection. I regard our emigrants as one of the principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the ravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health. All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its present fulness, and to that end the government must in every way make it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary military service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot in our country."

The statement that we have more men now than we had at the beginning of the war is repeated at least half a dozen times in different parts of the Message. We should be glad to think it true; but we fear Mr. Lincoln is mistaken. If otherwise, why is it that employers in all kinds of business find it impossible to get sufficient men even for three times the wages they used formerly to pay? How is it that so many buildings have had to be left unfinished for want of

hands? How is it that women and children have in numerous instances to occupy positions in stores and workshops, as well as in manufactories, formerly occupied by men? Any intelligent person from New York, Boston, or Philadelphia, could have informed Mr. Lincoln on those points, and thereby put him on his guard against making statements which at best are of doubtful accuracy.

But assuming that we really have more men than we had three or four years ago, this, it will be admitted, affords an additional reason why the rebellion should have been put down before this, since it is not pretended that it was all of a sudden, or en masse, we got those large additions to our strength, from Europe, on which the President very properly congratulates the country, but in a continuous "stream." No such stream has come to the rebels. According to all accounts they are constantly growing weaker and weaker; yet Mr. Lincoln has utterly failed to reduce them to subjection, or bring them back to their allegiance, in nearly four years.

In our opinion he has had men and means enough to do so. That he will continue to have both we have no doubt; for the people throughout Europe, especially those who make the best soldiers, and are most willing to fight, have much more sympathy for the United States than is generally supposed by our own citizens. And there is abundant reason why they should. There are few, if any of them, who had not friends in this country before the war commenced. If those friends did not aid them with their superfluous earnings, they, at least, gave them to understand that generally-indeed almost universally-they were well treated. Those who had never voted before, voted here. Not a few obtained offices of trust and emolument; a considerable number made fortunes, which at their death they bequeathed partly or wholly to their poor relatives in Europe.

In the South it has been different. The characteristic hospitality of the Southerners-generous and conspicuous as it undoubtedly has been-has always failed to counteract the influence of slavery in preventing emigration. No amount of hospitality or good nature could induce the laboring class to compete with the negro or with slave labor, as long as they thought they could do nearly as well where no such anomaly existed. They would choose the latter, even if they thought the employers of the North less friendly towards them, or less disposed to treat them well, which, upon the whole, they had no just grounds to believe; for, after all, we

do not believe that the better classes of the Northerners are less hospitable, or less disposed to treat foreigners in as kind a manner as they deserve, than the corresponding classes of Southerners. Thus, then, we have had every advantage from the beginning, including an abundance of money. No sovereign, however great or powerful, had more unbounded resources at his disposal for suppressing an insurrection, or even for wholly subjugating a foreign country, than Mr. Lincoln has had; but it is equally undeniable that, in all history, we do not find one who has made less effectual use of those resources.

We hope, however, it may be different in the future. He must have learned from the experience of nearly four years, that more energy is required from the President of the United States in a crisis like the present, than he has hitherto exhibited. Indeed, in some respects, we see evidences of improvement already. Mr. Lincoln is not one-tenth as despotic now as he was a year or two ago. He no longer emulates the Czar in arbitrary arrests, breaking into people's houses, dragging out their inmates, male or female, and incarcerating them in dungeons in defiance of all law.

That many of those treated in this manner deserved to be punished, and quite as severely as they were, far be it from us to deny; but all whose mother tongue is the AngloSaxon, have been nurtured in those principles of law and justice, one of the most important of which is, that every man is to be assumed innocent until some crime has been proved against him; or, what amounts nearly to the same, that a man's house is his castle. When war actually prevails, these precepts may, indeed, be modified, but at no time, for example, during the present rebellion, has it prevailed in New York, Boston, or Philadelphia, whereas, arrests of the character alluded to have been made at each.

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In peace or war it is perfectly proper to arrest those against whom there exists any reasonable suspicion as to their having perpetrated crime; but it is not perfectly proper at any time, except where war is actually raging, or proper all, but very wrong to suspend the habeas corpus in their case. The same remarks will apply still more emphatically to the arbitrary arrests of editors, and the suppression of their papers. The government of the United States had no need to descend to petty tyranny of this kind. In the darkest hour of the Republic it had sufficient vitality to bear any criticism, however adverse, made upon it by pen or tongue.

And in every instance in which the arbitrary course was pursued, it injured our cause at home and abroad much more than it served it. The most thoughtful regarded it as a sign of weakness; and in one sense so it was, but not in the sense it was generally taken abroad. In reality it only showed that those who caused those arbitrary arrests were weak in mind, and head.

And they have evidently realized the fact themselves since; for never did the sympathizers with the rebellion speak out more boldly than they do at the present moment. There is at least one daily journal in New York which is as much in the interest of Jefferson Davis as if it were published at Richmond, and patronized by the rebel government; but it is allowed to utter its treason daily without any attempt being made to suppress it, or to incarcerate its editors or publishers. This shows that Mr. Lincoln has made some progress in learning to understand the American people, who do not like exhibitions of arbitrary power. It is very clear that they are in favor of putting down the rebellion; but equally clear that they do not like to see a troop of soldiers break into any one's house or office, seize and drag him to a dungeon, merely because he has said or published something that Mr. Lincoln or his Secretary does not relish. It we are not much mistaken, the universal sentiment throughout the North is this: If a writer or speaker evinces active sympathy with the rebels, or pursues any course calculated to aid them in their efforts to dismember the country, let him, by all means, be duly prosecuted, and if found guilty, let such punishment be inflicted upon him as the law has prescribed in such cases. If, instead of this, the courts are ignored; if our judges issue their writs only to be scoffed at, then it is but a mockery to pretend that we enjoy the benefits of self-government, no matter what name we may call the individual who exercises such power, for it is not the title he receives, but the acts he performs that determine whether he is the representative and servant, or the master and oppressor of the people.

The terms still held out to the insurgents, are, we think, not unfair or unreasonable; they have no right to expect better. We cheerfully copy the three paragraphs which have reference to this subject, for they contain by far the most sensible remarks in the whole Message, which, as they are the last, ends much better than it begins:

A year ago a general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were offered to all except certain designated classes, and it was at the same