perhaps enthusiastic wish for the happiness and liberty of this country. I see plainly that America can defend herself, if proper measures are taken; but I begin to fear that she may be lost by herself and her own sons.' And again in conclusion he added; "My desire of deserving your approbation is strong; and, whenever you shall employ me, you can be certain of my trying every exertion in my power to succeed. I am now bound to your fate, and I shall follow it and sustain it, as well by my sword as by all the means in my power." To this pledge he was ever true.* Standing firm in his integrity, Washington took no pains to counteract these machinations of his enemies, and, whatever may have been his regret and indignation at such evidences of ingratitude and perfidy, he did not allow them to disturb his equanimity, or to turn him in the least degree from his lofty purpose of serving his country in the sphere allotted to him with the disinterestedness, diligence, and ardor, that characterized his public life in every vicissitude of events. In a letter The following extract from a letter written by Lafayette to Baron Steuben, while the faction was at its height, affords an additional proof of his warm and generous friendship for Washington. It was dated at Albany, on the 12th of March, 1778. Baron Steuben had recently arrived in the country. "Permit me," said Lafayette, "to express my satisfaction at your having seen General Washington. No enemies to that great man can be found, except among the enemies to his country; nor is it possible for any man of a noble spirit to refrain from loving the excellent qualities of his heart. I think I know him as well as any person, and such is the idea which I have formed of him. His honesty, his frankness, his sensibility, his virtue, to the full extent in which this word can be understood, are above all praise. It is not for me to judge of his military talents; but, according to my imperfect knowledge of these matters, his advice in council has always appeared to me the best, although his modesty prevents him sometimes from sustaining it; and his predictions have generally been fulfilled. I I am the more happy in giving you this opinion of my friend, with all the sincerity which I feel, because some persons may perhaps attempt to deceive you on this point." to President Laurens, who had enclosed to him an anonymous communication of a very insidious tendency, which he had received, and which the writer designed for Congress, Washington wrote as follows. "I cannot sufficiently express the obligation I feel to you, for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which I am so deeply interested. I was not unapprized, that a malignant faction had been for some time forming to my prejudice; which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account. But my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences, which intestine dissensions may produce to the common cause. "As I have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct, that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. The anonymous paper handed to you exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it should be submitted to Congress. This I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many or who may be privy to the contents. "My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive me of the defence I might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets, which it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated 35 VOL. I. station? Merit and talents, with which I can have no pretensions of rivalship, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me, that it has been my unremitted aim to do the best that circumstances would permit; yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error." To what extent the members of Congress were concerned in this affair, it would be difficult now to decide. Names have been mentioned, but without such a clear statement of facts as to fix a direct charge upon any individual. The proceedings of Congress show, that the faction had supporters in that body; but who they were, or what precise objects they had in view, cannot now be ascertained from the testimony hitherto made public. The first aim of the cabal was, no doubt, to disgust Washington and cause him to resign. It is probable, that Gates's immediate coadjutors in the army looked to him as the successor, and that Gates flattered himself with this illusive dream. The dissatisfied members of Congress, it is more likely, had their eyes upon Charles Lee, who was soon to be exchanged. Conway was the victim of his ambition and intrigues. Being wounded by an American officer in a duel, he wrote to General Washington while he thought himself near his end, expressing sorrow for his past conduct. "My career will soon be over," said he; "therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are in my eyes the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues." This confession, dictated at a solemn moment by a corroding conscience, although it may be deemed an apology for personal injuries, cannot atone for the guilt of having endeavoured, in a time of public danger and distress, to kindle the flame of discord in a country, whose liberties he had offered to vindicate, and whose cause he was pretending to serve. He unexpectedly recovered of his wound, and returned to France, leaving a name which few will envy, and an example which no one will be ambitious to imitate, who reflects how soon a crime may be followed by a just retribution. CHAPTER XI. Sufferings of the Army at Valley Forge. - New Arrangements concerted with a Committee of Congress.Half-pay granted to the Officers for a term of years. - Proceedings in regard to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. — Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce.-Comparative Strength of the British and American Armies.— Discussions respecting an Attack on Philadelphia. - Plans of the Ene- Evacuation of Philadelphia. my. The Army crosses the Delaware. - Battle of Monmouth.- Arrest and Trial of General Lee. — Arrival of the French Fleet under Count d'Estaing. - Plans for combined Operations between the Fleet and the American Army. - Failure of an Attempt against the Enemy at Rhode Island.- Cantonments of the Army for the Winter.- Exchange of Prisoners.- Congress. - Project of an Expedition to Canada. - THE winter at Valley Forge is memorable in the history of the war. Owing to changes in the quartermaster's and commissary's departments, according to a scheme planned by Congress contrary to the judgment of Washington, the army had been wretchedly supplied, and at no time were the sufferings of the troops so great, as they were for a few weeks after they went into winter-quarters. Hardly were the huts begun, when information was received, that a party of the enemy had left Philadelphia, with the apparent design of foraging and drawing subsistence from the country. Several regiments were ordered to be in readiness to march, when it was discovered that they had no provisions, and that a dangerous mutiny was on the point of breaking out. The only remedy was to send parties abroad to collect, wherever they could find it, as much provision as would satisfy the pressing wants of the soldiers. The same wants recurred at different times through the winter. On one occasion General Washington |