kins, Hough, George S. Houston, Edmund W. Hubard, Hungerford, James B. Hunt, Hunter, Charles J. Ingersoll, Jenkins, James H. Johnson, Joseph Johnson, Andrew Johnson, George W. Jones, Seaborn Jones, Kauffman, Kennedy, Preston King, Lawrence, Leake, Leffler, La Sere, Ligon, Long, Lumpkin, Maclay, McClean, McClelland, McClernand, McCrate, McDaniel, Joseph J. McDowell, James McDowell, McKay, John P. Martin, Barclay Martin, Morris, Moulton, Newton, Niven, Norris, Owen, Parrish, Payne, Perry, Phelps, Pillsbury, Reid, Relfe, Ritter, Roberts, Russell, Sawtelle, Sawyer, Scammon, Seddon, Alexander D. Sims, Simpson, Thomas Smith, Robert Smith, Stanton, Starkweather, St. John, James Thompson, Jacob Thompson, Thurman, Tibbatts, Towns, Tredway, Wentworth, Wick, Williams, Wilmot, Woodward, Yost.—124.

ADDRESS ON TAKING THE CHAIR AS SPEAKER.

ADDRESS DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER 6, 1847.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES,

I AM deeply sensible of the honor which you have conferred upon me by the vote which has just been announced, and I pray leave to express my grateful acknowledgments to those who have thought me worthy of so distinguished a mark of their confidence.

When I remember by whom this chair has been filled in other years, and, still more, when I reflect on the constitutional character of the body before me, I cannot but feel that you have assigned me a position worthy of any man's ambition, and far above the rightful reach of my own.

I approach the discharge of its duties with a profound impression at once of their dignity and of their difficulty.

Seven years of service as a member of this branch of the National Legislature have more than sufficed to teach me, that this is no place of mere formal routine or ceremonious repose. Severe labors, perplexing cares, trying responsibilities, await any one who is called to it, even under the most auspicious and favorable circumstances. How, then, can I help trembling at the task which you have imposed upon me, in the existing condition of this House and of the country?

In a time of war, in a time of high political excitement, in a time of momentous national controversy, I see before me the Representatives of the People almost equally divided, not merely

as the votes of this morning have already indicated, in their preference for persons, but in opinion and in principle, on many of the most important questions on which they have assembled to deliberate.

May I not reasonably claim, in advance, from you all, something more than an ordinary measure of forbearance and indulgence, for whatever of inability I may manifest in meeting the exigencies and embarrassments which I cannot hope to escape? And may I not reasonably implore, with something more than common fervency, upon your labors and upon my own, the blessing of that Almighty Power, whose recorded attribute it is that "He maketh men to be of one mind in a house?"

Let us enter, gentlemen, upon our work of legislation with a solemn sense of our responsibility to God and to our country. However we may be divided on questions of immediate policy, we are united by the closest ties of permanent interest and permanent obligation. We are the representatives of twenty mil lions of people, bound together by common laws and a common liberty. A common flag floats daily over us, on which there is not one of us who would see a stain rest, and from which there is not one of us who would see a star struck. And we have a common Constitution, to which the oaths of allegiance, which it will be my first duty to administer to you, will be only, I am persuaded, the formal expression of those sentiments of devotion which are already cherished in all our hearts.

There may be differences of opinion as to the powers which this Constitution confers upon us; but the purposes for which it was created are inscribed upon its face, in language which cannot be misunderstood. It was ordained and established "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil lity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity."

Union, justice, domestic tranquillity, the common defence, the general welfare, and the security of liberty for us and for those who shall come after us, are thus the great objects for which we are to exercise whatever powers have been intrusted to us. And I hazard nothing in saying that there have been few periods in

our national history, when the eyes of the whole people have been turned more intently and more anxiously towards the Capitol, than they are at this moment, to see what is to be done, here and now, for the vindication and promotion of these lofty ends.

Let us resolve, then, that those eyes shall at least witness on our part, duties discharged with diligence, deliberations conducted with dignity, and efforts honestly and earnestly made for the peace, prosperity, and honor of the country.

I shall esteem it the highest privilege of my public life, if I shall be permitted to contribute any thing to these results, by a faithful and impartial administration of the office which I have now accepted.

NOTE.

THE following correspondence belongs to the history of the election of Speaker, at the opening of the 30th Congress.

56 COLEMAN'S, WASHINGTON, December 5, 1847.

DEAR SIR: It would give me pleasure to aid, by my vote, in placing you in the Chair of the House of Representatives. But I have no personal hopes or fears to dictate my course in the matter, and the great consideration for me must be that of the policy which the Speaker will impress on the action of the House.

Not to trouble you with suggestions as to subordinate points, there are some leading questions on which it may be presumed that you have a settled purpose. May I respectfully inquire, whether, if elected Speaker, it is your intention,So to constitute the Committees of Foreign Relations and of Ways and Means as to arrest the existing war?

So to constitute the Committee on the Judiciary, as to favor the repeal of the law of February 12, 1793, which denies trial by jury to persons charged with being slaves; to give a fair and favorable consideration to the question of the repeal of those Acts of Congress which now sustain slavery in this District; and to further such measures as may be in the power of Congress to remedy the grievances of which Massachusetts complains at the hands of South Carolina, in respect to ill-treatment of her citizens?

I should feel much obliged to you for a reply at your early convenience, and I should be happy to be permitted to communicate it, or its substance, to some gentlemen who entertain similar views to mine, on this class of questions. I am, dear Sir, with great personal esteem, your friend and servant, JOHN G. PALFREY.

WASHINGTON, COLEMAN'S HOTEL,
December 5, 1847.

DEAR SIR: Your letter of to-day has this moment been handed to me. I am greatly obliged by the disposition you express" to aid in placing me in the Chair of the House of Representatives." But I must be perfectly candid in