The partition of this rich booty raised a quarrel among them; and while their attention was thus engaged, fhe took the opportunity of making her escape with her fon into the thickest of the foreft, where the wandered for fome time, over-fpent with hunger and fatigue, and funk with terror and affliction. While in this wretched condition, she saw a robber approach with his naked sword; and finding that he had no means of escape, fhe fuddenly embraced the refolution of trusting entirely for protection to his faith and generofity. She advanced towards him, and presenting to him the young prince, called out to him, Here, my friend, I commit to your care the safety of your King's fon. The man, whofe humanity and generous fpirit had been obfcured, but not entirely loft, by his vicious courfe of life, was ftruck with the fingularity of the event, and charmed with the confidence repofed in him; and he vowed, not only to abftain from all injury against the princefs, but to devote himself entirely to her fafety and protection. By his means the dwelt fome time concealed in the forest, and was at last conducted to the fea-coaft, whence she made her escape into Flanders. She paffed thence into her father's court, where the lived feveral years in privacy and retirement. Her husband was not so fortunate or fo dextrous in finding the means of his escape. Some of his friends took him under their protection, and conveyed him into Lancafhire, where he remained concealed during a twelvemonth; but he was at laft detected, delivered up to Edward, and thrown into the Tower. The fafety of his perfon was owing lefs to the generofity of his enemies, than to the contempt which they had entertained of his courage and his understanding."

Diftrefs, like this, muft move our pity, even though the fufferers were in the meanest station. But when we confider it as the lot of an unfortunate pair, accustomed to the pomp of royalty, and foftened by all the blandifhments of eafe and luxury, then our compaffion increases in proportion as the extreme reverse of fortune must make their fense of mifery the stronger.

The unfortunate Henry, however, was afterwards reftored, and in a short time fell again into the hands of Edward, to experience ftill farther calamities, which not long after put an end to the days of this weak but pious prince; though fome incline to think that he died a violent death.

All the glories of Edward's reign, Mr. Hume obferves, terminated with the civil wars, where his laurels too were extremely fullied with blood, violence, and cruelty. His fpirit

feems

seems afterwards to have been funk in indolence and pleasure, or his measures were fruftrated by imprudence and want of forefight. His character is fummed up in these few words : He was a prince more fplendid and fhowy, than either prudent or virtuous; brave, though cruel; addicted to pleasure, though capable of activity in great emergencies; and less fitted to prevent ills by wife precautions, than to remedy them after they took place by his vigour and enterprize.” *

We fhudder as we pass through the fhort reign of Edward V. which is full of the butcheries of that inhuman monfter the Duke of Gloucester, who murdered the young King with his brother the Duke of York, and ftepped to the throne through the blood of his flaughtered kinfmen, under the title of Richard III. Happily, however, this ftain to humanity did not long difgrace the diadem; he was killed at the battle of Bofworth, and fell by too mild a fate. Mr. Hume, who by many, perhaps, will be thought to have been too indulgent to the characters of our weak and wicked princes, does not attempt to palliate that of Richard. "The Hiftorians (fays he) who favour Richard, (for even he has met with partizans among the late Writers) maintain that he was well qualified for government, had he legally obtained it; and that he committed no crimes but fuch as were necessary to procure him poffeffion of the crown: but this is a very poor apology, when it is confeffed that he was ready to commit the most horrid crimes, which appeared neceffary for that purpose. And it is certain that all his courage and capacity, qualities in which he really seems not to have been deficient, would never have made compenfation to the people for the danger of the precedent, and for the contagious example of vice and murder, exalted upon the throne."

"Thus (fays our Hiftorian) we have purfued the Hiftory of England through a series of many barbarous ages, till we have at last reached the dawnings of civility and science, and have the profpect, both of greater certainty in our historical narrations, and of being able to present to the Reader a spec

66

Mr. Hume feems to be mistaken, when he fays that the Benevolence attempted to be levied by this prince, was a fort of exaction, which, except during the reign of Henry III. had scarce ever been practifed in former times." They appear to have been more frequently raifed than he fuppofes: they were even levied in the preceding reign; and the inftructions to the commiffioners employed in procuring a benevolence in the zoth of Henry VI. speak the language of an arbitrary prince.

tacle

tacle more worthy of his attention." Mr. Hume concludes with a kind of recapitulation, wherein he gives an abstract of the antient fystem of government, and its fucceffive changes in these remote times: but our limits will not allow us to extend our exftracts any farther.

Upon the whole, we do not fcruple to commend thefe Volumes, as containing the most just and masterly account of the reigns of our early Kings, that has hitherto been penned. The attentive Reader will find that philofophy and jurifprudence conftantly go hand in hand with Hiftory: and we hope that as Mr. Hume has with fuch fuccefs gone backwards as far as probability can warrant relation, that he will now continue the History of this kingdom, from the period at which he left off, on the publication of the first two Volumes.

R-d

An Hiftorical and Critical Account of the Life of Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, after the Manner of Mr. Bayle. Drawn from original Writers and State Papers. To which is added, an Appendix of original Papers, now first published. By William Harris. 8vo. 7s. bound. Millar.

N our Review of the laft production of this industrious obferve

had been chiefly that of a Compiler; that he had fhewn great care and accuracy in his Compilation, and had in general fummed up the evidence on both fides, with great judgment and impartiality. On perufing the Volume now before us, we find no reason for altering our opinion of Mr. Harris's care and accuracy, but we are forry to confefs that we cannot entertain the fame refpect for his judgment and impartiality. We are nevertheless ftill perfuaded that he has too much honefty to be guilty of wilful mifreprefentation; but zealous prejudice infenfibly gives a wrong bias to the mind, and diverts it from the most obvious deductions. His generous deteftation of the oppreffive and arbitrary principles by which Charles attempted to govern, was a juft ground for the fevere cenfures, which he has paffed on the political character of that ill-fated monarch: but when he endeavours to throw a favourable glofs on the conduct of Cromwell, who only

The Life of Charles. For an account of which, fee Review, Vol. XVIII. p. 452.

deftroyed

destroyed an irrefolute tyrant, that he himself might take a firmer grafp of the fceptre of tyranny, he certainly errs in his judgment, and becomes, we truft, involuntarily partial.

It is difficult to fay whence it arifes that the enemies of Charles, all rank as partizans of Cromwell. Where parties have taken fuch oppofite directions, manifeftly against the guidance of reason, it is a hard task for a Reviewer to expose their deviations, without giving offence to the zealots on both fides. But whatever hazard we may incur, we do not fcruple to affirm, that they who exprefs their deteftation of Charles, muft, upon the fame principles, if they are confiftent, hold Cromwell in ftill greater abhorrence. If we regard Cromwell as a man, he was inferior to Charles in refpect of pri vate virtues; if we confider him as a fovereign, for fuch he was, under the title of Protector, he far exceeded Charles in every circumstance of abfolute fway and tyranny: and what greatly aggravates the guilt of Cromwell is, that he ufurped that fovereignty, which he fo wantonly abufed, to the oppreffion of the public.

We defire no better authority, in fupport of our principles, than the Life of the Protector now before us; wherein the facts indeed are ftated with candor, and the comments are frequently liberal and juft. All that we fhall take occafion to difpute, will be our Author's reflections and inferences upon

the whole.

We pass over Cromwell's birth and parentage, with all the uninterefting minute particulars, in which Mr. Harris is tediously circumftantial, and proceed to the account here given of his principles and chara&er. It is confeffed that Cromwell had but a moderate share of learning; that he was vicious in his youth, but that he afterwards reformed, and became a profeffor of religion even to a degree of enthusiasm. Here our Author has a long note of more than a dozen pages to prove the reality of Cromwell's enthufiafm. For this purpofe, he chiefly relies on fome extracts from Cromwell's letters, which, he fays, will better than any thing else illuftrate this part of his character. The extracts recited are replete with cant and fanaticifin; and, in truth, it seems to be a ftrange method of examination, to try the reality of a man's principles, by letters of his own penning on public concerns. The more certain way of determining his fincerity, is to attend to his behaviour in the private hours of focial converfe. It must be confeffed, however, that Mr. Harris has not fuppreffed evidence of this nature, for he has very fairly stated

the

the following anecdotes, which feem to indicate Cromwell a hypocrite." His rude cant and fpiritual fimplicity were downright affectation; than which nothing can be more evident from Mr. Waller's obfervation, and his confeffion to him. Mr. Waller often took notice, that in the midst of their difcourfe a fervant has come in to tell them fuch and fuch attended; upon which Cromwell would rife, and stop them, talking at the door, where he could over-hear them fay, The Lord will reveal, The Lord will help, and feveral fuch expreffions; which when he returned to Mr. Waller he excufed, faying, Coufin Waller, I muft talk to these men after their own way and would then go on where they left off. This created in Mr. Waller an opinion that he fecretly despised those whom he seemed to court.

"And the author of the Political History of the Age, thinks the enthusiasm of Cromwell entirely aflumed and politic, quoting the following anecdote from Oliver St. John, in proof of it, viz. That being one day at table with his friends, and looking for the cork of a bottle of champaign which he had opened, on being informed that fome perfon attended for admittance to fee him, Tell him, fays Cromwell, we are in fearch of the Holy Spirit."

"But (fays our Author) what do thefe anecdotes prove, but that Cromwell fometimes talked inconfiftently with his principles? Or being at times lefs under their power, he indulged himself in jefting and raillery, to which he was naturally prone?" This is indeed acting the part of a thorough paced apologift: nevertheless Mr. Harris, we apprehend, will find it difficult to perfuade his Readers, that a real enthufiaft in religion, however at times he may relax from the severity of his principles, will ever be fo extremely inconfiftent, as o treat points, held facred, with fuch profane and impious ra llery. It may be allowed, that Cromwell was, in one fente, an enthufiaft; for he certainly had that ardour and vehemence of difpofition, or, if Mr. Harris will have it fo, that afflat is divinus, which overlooks all difficulties, and often exalts men to heights of fortune, to which cool deliberation and fover judgment would never have advanced them. Rafh ambition. and lawless ufurpation, are never without a tincture of this, for the most part, fortunate frenzy. But that Cromwell was a real enthufiaft in religion, there is not the least foundation to believe. Nay, our Author himself, in the fubfequent pa res, is obliged to confefs that Cromwell was a hypocrite; for e tells us, that he got the better of fome powerful opponents REV. Feb. 1762. by

H