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What Next in America?

(Continued from Page 1382)

haps, operate on the high wage, mass production theory and a new cycle would begin.

Meanwhile, the greatest gain, the theory that as high wages as can be paid are as essential to the producer as they are desirable for the wage earner would have entered our economic theory for good and all, and the wage earner would be permanently benefitted by that fact. The quickness with which recovery could be made would probably depend on the character of the new industries to be developed. Much of the extraordinary economic advance of the past few years has been due to the tremendously wide-reaching appeal of the motor car, (the greatest of mass production industries); the tremendous influence that industry has had on those supplying it, such as steel; and the influence it has exerted by the use of its products, such as the building of roads, the readjustment of urban and country living conditions, the rise of whole new businesses depending on the motorist at home or on tour.

There may be another invention similar to that in store for us. In any case, the high-wage, mass production theory will remain. It may be that it will be found applicable for any given industry only up to a certain point of consumption but with the steady march of invention we may expect constantly to see new wants satisfied and any national "want" will bring into play mass production and high wages within the industry supplying it in its early stages. What we thus have to face is the fact that we have found the key to a permanent prosperity; that cycles of business will still continue; and that the same man will prepare for them by exercise of prudence and thrift as in the old days. The hopeful element in the situation is the change in attitude toward the wage fund, the understanding of what high wages, when possible, can do for producer as well as wage earner, and the prospect of a rising standard of living in the long run even if interrupted by set backs. What should be most emphatically protested against, however, is the teaching that there will never again be set backs, that there is no need for thrift, and that debt can be contracted with entire recklessness. That can only intensify both the misery of bad times and create a psychological situation which might easily run into social revolution when the people awoke to the deception or ignorance of their leaders.

THE OUTLOOK AND INDEPENDENT, December 26, 1928. Volume 150, Number 17. Published weekly by The Outlook Company at 120 East 16th Street, New York, N. Y. Subscription price $5.00 a year. Single copies 15 cents each. Foreign subscription to countries in the Postal Union, $6.56. Entered as second-class matter. July 21, 1893, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., and July 20, 1928, at the Post Office at Springfield, Mass., under the Act of March 3, 1879. Copyright, 1928, by The Outlook Company.

Looking Forward

ONE OF THE MOST arresting economic theories dealing with the future is the one which is being advanced just now by a group of German professors, and endorsed by many German industrialists, to the effect that civilization has become such a highly technical affair that leadership in industry in the future will lie not in controlling world markets or raw materials, but in technology and scientific invention itself.

A

A MOST REMARKABLE illustration of what this theory means has just come from our own Middle West. newspaper in Danville, Illinois, has just printed a first edition on paper made, not from wood pulp, but from ordinary corn stalks. Gathered from farms in Illinois, the corn stalks are made into pulp in Danville, turned into paper in a Michigan mill, and emerge as a strong white paper.

THIS IS STARTLING enough viewed merely as a possible solution for part of our present farm problem. A vast crop which has hitherto been waste may now perhaps be rendered marketable. But it is as an example of the future prophesied by the Germans that the incident is most interesting. Suppose for an instant that wood pulp. were in the same category with oil, with rubber, with certain deposits and ores. Suppose, further, that the nations of the world had been bending all their energies toward securing a monopoly of the raw material for wood pulp paper: the forests. This new product would have set at naught all their competitive struggles. The bystander who made it practical would have altered material values completely.

THERE HAS BEEN much talk of science putting such frightful engines and destructive gases in men's hands that war would finally devastate the earth and destroy civilization. But a little reflection induces the thought that this is a primitive view of technology. What seems more probable is that science will finally produce such a constantly changing world that war will become out of date as a practical method of gaining anything.

Francis Prefers Bellamy

B

and Independent

December 26, 1928

Y OCCUPATION I am

a

a Washington syndicate. correspondent and radio broadcaster of politics. In my writings, both on paper and in the sky, I strive to walk the tight-rope of neutrality. I aim to bestride that dizzy height in this paper. I do not intend either to praise or to bury the Cæsar of publicity. I function here exclusively as a reporter. All the world's a publicity stage at Washington, and all the newspapermen and women, merely players.

There is now pending in Washington the most ex

haustive investigation of the alliance between publicity and politics ever undertaken in this country-the Federal Trade Commission's examination of the operations of the SOcalled Power Trust.. As that inquiry is still sub judice, I do not think the time has yet come to pass considered judgment upon its revelations. The official spokesman of the interests directly under fire points out that their side of the case has yet to be presented. The inference is that they expect in due course to be able to put a better face upon disclosures which seem to indicate a systematic campaign to propagandize public opinion against government ownership of utilities.

There can be few who will not admit that the true province of news publicity has been invaded by pernicious practices. Undoubtedly these have brought the responsible profession of disseminating public knowledge into undeserved disrepute. The uses and abuses of publicity in America only recently inspired a French writer, who

radio broadcaster

surveyed our country, like so many itinerant foreigners, through the wrong end of the telescope, to allege that both news and editorial columns, like advertising space, have their price in the United States. I resent that slander. I know it is unjustified.

In former times publicity originating in and distributed from Washington was almost exclusively political in character. It concerned the deeds or misdeeds of Congress, the activities of the President, and the functioning of the Federal Government as a whole. Today publicity about Government affairs is only a rivulet of the Niagara of information and misinformation that incessantly falls over Washington and streams thence across the country. I venture to say that there is hardly a single form of organized American activity that nowadays does not drench the National capital, and, through the capital, the Nation, with a flood of outgivings.

The Washington newspaper profession has coined a word for the

physical forms of this "canned" intelligence. We call them "hand-outs." They pile upon us in avalanches with every mail and through an endless chain of messenger boys. During the Presidential campaign "hand-outs" attained a wholly unprecedented volume.

It would be easy to consume and fill most of the space allotted me with a mere enumeration of the multifarious agencies now disporting themselves at Washington for purely publicity purposes. These agencies are non-political in themselves, but essentially political in purpose. They have pitched their tents at Washington because Washington is the law factory of the Union. Their avowed object is to bring about the passage of desired legislation or frustrate the enactment of objectionable legislation.

In days of old, that ancient and more or less honorable institution known as a lobby was conducted at Washington by men who worked on Congress or Government departments by the direct approach method. It was personal influence and moral suasion, and probably, in some cases, a more negotiable talking point, which garnered votes for a pet project, or swung a party leader in a certain direction, or induced a Federal official to favor a given line of policy. The old lobby was a recognized, semi-legalized, open-and-aboveboard proposition. It consisted of men who knew what they wanted and how to get it. There was no pussy footing. There was little circumlocution. The attack was frontal. By such methods tariff laws were writ

ten; bridges thrown across rural culverts; post offices built; and the legislative wheels of the Government generally kept greased and moving.

It was the direct approach system that despoiled the country of the Naval Oil Reserves-the most classic, as well as the most criminal, example in our time of the prehistoric lobby operating on traditional lines. Teapot Dome, beyond any question, was the last of the Mohicans. The next time private interests covet public property, they will use publicity, not Liberty Bonds and little black bags.

ITH OUR entry into the World War,

W the old system of getting things

done at Washington was destined to undergo a revolutionary change. In the train of the war came many woes. Among them was propaganda. "Propaganda" is a perfectly good and highlyrespectable Anglo-Saxonism. Turning to my mainstay in philological distress, Webster's Dictionary, I find "propaganda" defined as "any means used for advocating or teaching a particular doctrine or system."

Propaganda, in other words, is education. Our missionaries in China are propagandists. They are teaching the benefits of Christianity. The missionaries whom Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy and Belgium sent to the United States in 1914, 1915 and 1916 came to preach the merits of the Allied

cause.

The missionaries whom Germany dispatched to our guileless shores were here to advocate the case of the Central Powers. These combined and zealous efforts gave publicity in America a new name-"propaganda"and an ill repute which persists to this hour. It persists unjustly to the detriment of many causes seeking legitimate publicity along ethical lines.

The skilful special pleaders from war-racked Europe did more than propagandize in behalf of their respective countries. They taught the benighted American people how to plead special causes of their own. They planted the seeds of organized publicity in this soil as deeply and as firmly as Christopher Columbus planted the banners of a new civilization when he seized aboriginal America in the name of Ferdinand and Isabella. Propaganda came to stay when Europe brought it to us fourteen years ago. When Uncle Sam himself became a belligerent in 1917, one of the first leaves he took from the notebook of war-experienced Europe was that

which dealt with publicity as a fine art. We mobilized the Committee on Public Information almost as soon as we mobilized the Army and Navy. Publicity under Government control was inaugurated. It ceased nominally with the Armistice. Actually, though in less censorious form, it is with us yet.

The result is the existing order of things at Washington. Obsolete methods of molding opinion have been scrapped. Congressmen are no longer merely wined and dined. Instead, we build fires behind them "back home" with the far more efficacious kindling wood of publicity and propaganda. The American politician has profound respect for anything that makes a noise like a vote. His master's voice is his constituency. Upon it he is dependent, if he would continue to bask in the agreeable sunshine of public office. It is precisely at this point that the tentacles of Washington publicity reach out and touch publishers of community newspapers.

For it has come about that the great American axe-grinding fraternity in these efficient times goes straight to the sovereign people when it has grievances to air, causes to promote, bills to pass and to kill, jobs to get or Constitutional amendments to enact. Prohibition was not "put over on the country," as its foes sometimes allege, by working on the sympathies of dryvoting, wet-drinking members of Congress directly at Washington, any more. than it is kept on the statute books by such archaic methods. The Eighteenth The Eighteenth Amendment stands in the Constitution

W

ASHINGTON, as figures of the Census Bureau disclose, is becoming one of the big cities of the country. On July 1, 1928, it was estimated that the capital's population was 552,000, a growth of 115,000 in the past eight years. It is now the thirteenth city in the Union. On every hand there is the material evidence of mounting metropolitan magnitude.

Who is peopling all the new office buildings, buildings, hotels, apartments and dwelling-houses? Whence do they hail? Why are they coming down on Washington like the wolf on the fold? The membership of Congress is not in

creasing. The Government is systematically cutting down, not increasing, its personnel.

The answer lies in the constantly expanding publicity campaign of organized American interests of every conceivable description. Washington today is chock-a-block with men and women sent there from all over the country to agitate and advocate special causes. It is they who are renting floor space in office buildings, employing large staffs. of helpers and necessitating as a matter of course constantly greater housing facilities in the District of Columbia and the adjacent Virginia and Maryland countrysides. It is a vast host of ballyhoo crusaders who have invaded Washington and are dedicating themselves to a shrewd, sleepless and remunerative campaign to educate Vox Populi to sing in various keys, major or minor, as this or that particular project requires.

IS positively no limit to the

Trange of activities pursued by these

professional missionaries in the field of "public relations." They concern themselves with our bodies and our souls. They deal with our rights, our races and our religions. They are interested

in what we drink and in what we think. They propagandize in realms as widely separated as Bibles and bricks. They advocate peace and they preach preparedness. Their diversified scopes are so voluminous that a mere tabulation of their names fills nearly three pages of closely printed addresses in the latest Washington telephone directory. A project is afoot to erect a skyscraper to be occupied exclusively by this Grand Army of Publicity-a G. H. Q. of organized propaganda.

There are in addition many private organizations entrenched at Washington for the openly avowed purpose of influencing public opinion pro this or con that, and through influencing public opinion, putting pressure on the Federal Government. Sometimes it is the President of the United States at whom this subtle campaign is directed. Sometimes it is Congress. Sometimes it is a Cabinet officer. Sometimes it is a foreign Government, against which it is desired to organize American sentiment. The mails are lavishly used. Postal receipts in Washington. a non-commercial community, are now the seventeenth heaviest In the country, a figure that does no include Congressionally franked mai