CHAPTER IV.

CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR.

EARLY in the summer of 1882 Mr. Cleveland's friends began to consider the propriety of bringing him forward as a candidate for Governor. The first public announcement of this intention was made in the columns of The Daily News, a Republican paper, which had become a strong supporter of Mayor Cleveland. The editor sent letters to many prominent people in the State, asking their opinion as to Mr. Cleveland's candidacy. The responses were remarkably favorable, and showed that the Mayor's course had attracted attention in all parts of the State. The public opinion of Buffalo responded readily to the appeals which were made by The News. No citizen of Buffalo had ever been Governor. Mr. Fillmore had been a candidate upon the Whig ticket in 1844, but was defeated by Silas Wright. Since that time no Buffalonian had ever received even a nomination for the office. Buffalo men had long felt that they were overlooked. Indeed, not only the city, but the whole western region, known as the Eighth Judicial District, had reason to think that it had not received its fair share of

party honors. With the exception of Governor Fenton, no Governor or United States Senator had ever been chosen from all the country west of the Genesee river. It was easy to awaken the pride of a people who had so long been neglected. The movement in favor of Cleveland rapidly spread through all the western counties. After the Republican Convention had nominated Judge Folger, it took the character of a non-party movement. It was soon difficult to determine who were most in favor of Cleveland, the Democrats who brought him forward, or the Republicans who came to his support. The popular impulses were quickened by the general confidence in his character, judgment and integrity. Many thought that it would be well to send to Albany a man who had shown himself so trustworthy at home. When the Democratic Convention met in Syracuse, all the delegates from the western counties came there, ardent supporters of Cleveland. They were accompanied by a large body of citizens, who advocated their favorite with an energy such as was shown in behalf of no one else.

Up to this time the Cleveland movement had excited only a languid interest at the East. It was not believed, by the party managers, that a new man, living at the western end of the State, could become a formidable competitor for the nomination. The Chairman of the State Committee had received the suggestion of Mr. Cleveland's

candidacy with indifference and incredulity. But the political situation was singularly favorable to a man who lived away from the scene of party contentions, and who was unconnected with the factions into which the Democrats of New York and Brooklyn were divided. In New York these divisions were so serious as to make it doubtful whether the party could be united. In 1878 the opponents of the regular organization had made an open alliance with the Republicans, and a coalition ticket, made up partly of Democrats and partly of Republicans, had been elected. It had been usual for the Governor to stand aloof from municipal factions, but in 1878, the Governor, Mr. Robinson, openly sided with the coalition, and used all of his power to defeat the party nominees. In consequence of this, Tammany Hall determined not to support Governor Robinson, if he were nominated for election, and openly declared that intention before the meeting of the Convention. This avowal was artfully used by the friends of Governor Robinson. It was represented to the country Democracy as a threat, and they were urged not to submit to Tammany dictation. The Republican journals, eager to promote Democratic dissensions, enforced this view, and their columns were filled with appeals to the country Democrats to stand firm; and with denunciations of Mr. Kelly and his followers. Prejudice and passion were easily excited. The Democratic Convention of