the ties of natural affection-must have felt themselves but feebly attached to their respective countries, and looked almost exclusively, as they taught their fellow citizens to look, to Rome as the place which was to give law to the world.

The last grand project of Gregory was that of the Crusades, † which, though he did not live long enough to carry into execution, he left to his successor already matured and digested. Then it was that kings became subalterns in command, fighting with their subjects in Asia during half a century, under orders issued from Rome; and Rome and Italy became, of course, the centre of influence and authority. All these advantages, however, would have been of but little value, without freedom; and of this, also, the sovereign Pontiff happened to be the first dispenser:-for Gregory, in his first experiment of excommunication, released the Italians from their oath of fealty to the Emperor, who had previously governed them as vassals.

It is under these circumstances that we behold, immediately after the death of this Pope, and even in his lifetime, the cities of Italy suddenly improving in population, wealth and powerpalaces of independent magistrates rising to view where there were before but hamlets and slaves-and republics starting forth as if out of nothing. The holy war had delivered Europe in general from the slavery of the soil; every man who took up arms for the crusade became free; and the labourer in Italy began to till the earth on his own account. The military aristocracies and monarchies being employed with their armed forces in distant expeditions, had no longer the same oppressive preponderance at home. The maritime preparations for the crusades were undertaken by the cities of Italy-danger nerved the courage of every class-and navigation, by opening the exportation of manufactures, increased industry, wealth and knowledge. Florence, for example, supplied all nations with her woollen cloths; and Milan furnished all the arms used by the crusaders, and the princes of Europe. The latter city, at that period of her liberty, had a population triple what it is at the present day. It was said the country was depopulated to supply the manufactures in the towns. But how could so many millions have been subsisted without agriculture? It was then that Italy crowded every port with her gallies, and every market with her merchandise. The wealth thus resulting from commerce, served to divide and distribute the property of the land, and to multiply the number of those interested in maintaining the laws and independence of their country. The enormous inequality of

†This appears by two of his own letters. See Collect. of Labbeus. VOL. XXX. No. 60. Y

fortunes disappeared, and the weight of the capitalists was opposed to the ascendency of the ancient nobles. It was then that the people of Pisa became masters of the Balearic, and discovered the Canary islands-that Genoa was fortified with strong walls in the space of two months-that Milan, and other towns of Lombardy, having seen their children massacred, their house3 and churches burned, their habitations rased-and, having been reduced to live two years unsheltered in the fields,-resumed their arms, routed Frederick Barbarossa, who returned with a formidable force, and compelled him to sign the peace of Constance, acknowledging their independence.

During all this time,, it is true that most of those States were engaged in civil wars: But they had arms in their hands; and when the common enemy appeared, they knew how to join in defending their common liberties. The Italians having thrown off the foreign yoke, gave their aid to the Popes, who were constantly occupied in conflicts with the Emperors; and the Church had thus an interest in favouring independence and democracy. But, by degrees, she became tired of using the arms of the Italian States as her defence, though the safest and most natural for her to employ; and, having contributed towards the liberty of Italy, thought she had the right to invade it. Excommunications had then been hurled against friends and enemies, till they began to be less formidable; and the Popes adopted the policy of introducing foreign conquerors, and sharing their conquests. It was then that they and the kings of France became constant and close allies. In the lifetime of Dante, a French prince, aided by the Pope, came for the first time into Italy, usurping the states of old dynasties in the name of the Holy See-promising liberty, and preaching concord to republics, but in fact dividing still more, in order to enslave them. The Guelfi professed themselves supporters of the Church, and the Ghibelini of the Empire, but without much caring for the one or the other. The true question between them was, whether the wealthy citizens or the people should govern the state; and, in the continual danger of foreign invasion, the popular party found its interest in attaching itself to the Church and to France against Germany, whilst the higher classes were more interested in joining the Emperors against the Popes and the French. From the political conduct of Dante when a magistrate, it is evident that he condemned the madness of both parties; for he sent the leaders of both into banishment. But it is also clear that he was more afraid of France than of Germany, and not over fond of democracy.

The true reason of his exile was his refusal to receive a prince of France sent by Boniface VIII., under the pretext of

pacifying their dissensions. After his exile, he openly embrac ed the Ghibeline party, and composed a Latin treatise, De Monarchia, to prove that all the misfortunes of Italy sprang from the false doctrine, that the Popes had a right to interfere in temporal concerns. France having, at the time, contrived that the Popes should reside at Avignon, for the purposes of more absolute control, and Frenchmen having been successively raised to the Holy See, as being more devoted to French interests, our poet addressed a letter to the Cardinals from his exile, recommending strongly that they should elect an Italian Pope.* It was with those views, and under those circumstances, in so far as politics were concerned, that he wrote his poem, But, notwithstanding the corruption and senseless ambition of the Church, and its consequent unpopularity, Religion still maintained its primitive influence, The first crusade raised almost all Europe in arms, by an opinion, suddenly diffused, that the end of the world and the general judgment were at hand, and that the holy war was the sole expiation of sins. These enterprises had been abandoned during the lifetime of our poet; but the dread of the end of the world continued to agitate Christendom for eighty years after his death. Leonardo Aretino, a historian known for the extent of his knowledge, and the share he had in the affairs of Italy and Europe, was an eyewitness of an event which took place in 1400. We shall give his account, translated verbatim.

In the midst of the alarms and troubles of the wars, either begun or impending between the States of Italy, an extraordinary occurrence took place. All the inhabitants of each state dressed themselves in white. This multitude went forth with extreme devotion. They passed to the neighbouring states, humbly craving peace and mercy. Their journey lasted usually ten days; and their food during this time was bread and water, None were seen in the towns that were not dressed in white. The people went without danger into an enemy's country, whither, a few days before, they would not have dared to approach. No one ever thought of betraying another, and strangers were never insulted. It was a universal truce tacitly understood between all enemies, This lasted for about two months; but its origin is not clear. It was confidently affirmed to have come down from the Alps into Lombardy. whence it spread with astonishing rapidity over all Italy. The inhabitants of Lucca were the first who came in a body to Florence. Their presence suddenly excited an ardent devotion, to such a degree that even those who, at the commencement, treated this enthusiasm with contempt, were the first to change their dress and join the procession, as if they were suddenly

* Giovanni Villani, B. 9, chap. 134,

impelled by a heavenly inspiration. The people of Florence divided themselves into four parties; two of which, consisting of a countless multitude of men, women and children, went to Arezzo. The remaining two took other directions, and, wherever they came, the inhabitants dressed themselves in white, and followed their example. During the two months that this devotion lasted, war was never thought of; but, no sooner had it passed away, than the people resumed their arms, and the previous state of agitation was renewed." Aret. Hist. Flor. b. 12. c. 1.

Such, in that age, was the force of religion; and Dante, therefore, naturally employed its terrors as the most effective means of touching the passions of his cotemporaries. But religion, in Italy especially, was overgrown with heresies and schisms, which often produced the most sanguinary conflicts. Saint Francis founded his order about the beginning of the 13th century; and preached the faith, according to the doctrines of the Church of Rome, in opposition to the sects which the Italian chronicles of that age call Valdesi, Albigesi, Cattari and Paterini, but more commonly by the latter name. These four sects were all in the main Manicheans. At the same time, St Dominick arrived from Spain, carrying fire and sword wherever his opinions were disputed. It was he who founded the Inquisition; and was himself the first magister sacri palati, an office always held at Rome, even in our own time, by a Dominican, who examines new books, and decides upon their publication. Before the institution of those two orders, the monks were almost all of the different rules of St Benedict, reformed by St Bernard and other abbots. But, being occupied in tilling the land, or in perusing manuscripts of antient authors-in fine, never going beyond their convents, unless to become the ministers of kingdoms, where they sometimes exercised kingly power,-their wealth, education, and even pride, rendered them unfit for the business of running from place to place, and employing hypocrisy, impudence and cruelty, in the service of the Popes. St Bernard, by his eloquence and rare talents, exercised great influence over kings and pontiffs. He succeeded in firing Europe to undertake the crusade; but, to give durability to the opinions he produced, there was still wanting the pertinacity and roguery of the mendicant friars, to exhibit to the people spectacles of humility and privation, and of auto-da-fe. They had their convents in towns, and spread themselves over the country; whilst the Benedictines were living like great feudal lords in their castles. Hence, the Italians carefully make the distinction of Monaci and Frati. The former were always more or less useful to agriculture-remarkable for the luxury in which they lived-receiving amongst them only persons of condition

for the most part-and each congregation having a sort of monarchical constitution, of which the abbot was absolute chief. The constitution of the Frati was, on the other hand, at all times more or less democratic. They have always been meddling with affairs of state, and family affairs

• Scire volunt secreta domus atque inde timeri.'

The Jesuits, who have been lately re-established, are also mendicant Frati. Notwithstanding their great wealth, they observed the form, in order to preserve the right of begging, by sending out their conversi (lay-brothers) with sacks, three or four times a year, to beg for their convents. Having been established three centuries later than the others, they took advantage of this, to give refinement to the arts, and to avoid the faults of those who preceded them. Mathew Paris, who was nearly cotemporary with Saint Francis and Saint Dominick, has given pictures of their new flocks, which might be taken for an abstract of all that has been written from the days of Pascal to the present, concerning the Jesuits. The people,' says he,

called them hypocrites and successors of Antichrist, pseudo-preachers, flatterers and counsellors of kings and princes, despisers and supplanters of bishops, violators of royal marriage-beds, prevaricators of confessions, who, wandering over unknown provinces, minister to the audacity of sin.' (ad an. 1256, p. 939, Edit. 1640.) It is inconceivable what an ascendency was exercised by the Dominicans and Franciscans in the time of our poet over the passions of individuals, the opinions of the people, and the powers of the State. The Franciscan, Fra Giovanni di Vicenza, possessed unbounded authority in Lombardy, changing the laws, leading towns and provinces in his train; instigating the civil animosities of that unhappy people in obedience to the fatal policy of the Popes; and, when harangues and intrigues failed, making himself obeyed by auto-da-fe. By a document published not long since by Mr Marini, it appears that auto-da-fe were multiplied by the Dominicans, even beyond the wishes and orders of the Court of Rome. It is a brief of Pope Benedict the XI., dated the 11th of March 1304, and addressed to the Inquisitors of Padua, ordering them to reverse their iniquitous sentences, and to go on with their trade of preaching and burning, in such a manner, that the outcries of the people should no longer reach his ears. Benedict the XI. was himself a Dominican; and perhaps wished, like many other sovereigns, to profit by the injustice of his agents, without appearing to be a party.

At the very time that these friars were setting the example of the most infamous vices, they appear also to have originated the most sacrilegious heresies. The Mendicants not only continu