this war; they never intended to ferve either the Goths or the Greeks, and that their fole object was to let them fight till one party was totally deftroyed, afterwards to fall upon the weakened and haraffed conqueror, and make themselves mafters of Italy.

It is certain that, without proceeding to defertion, and open rebellion, of which we find no traces in this part of hiftory, Lutharius and Bucellinus could not have carried into Italy an army fo numerous, as they did, immediately after the departure of the Gothic ambaffadors, had it not been with the confent of their King. Into Italy, however, they did march at the head of feventy thousand men. On the part of the Goths, they found no difficulty in poffeffing themselves of as many fortreffes as they thought convenient, in the Venetian territories, and in Liguria, from the Alps to the Tufcan fea, So that Italy was now in the hands of three powers, the Goths, the Imperialifts, and the Franks, who occupied forts and exercifed dominion in different provinces. The Goths, indeed, after the defeat of Teia, were no longer in a condition of governing by their own weight; and, had it not been for the strong poft of Cuma, whither they had retired with the best part of their remains, the little that was left would foon have been deftroyed. Such of them as had not retired to Cuma, difperfed in various parts of Italy, by no means adhered to the common cause. Some joined the Romans and others the Franks. And though the latter had not, perhaps, a greater number of forts than were occupied by the imperial troops, yet as they exceeded them in numbers of men, they over-ran the country with greater vigour and boldness.

. In the mean while, the event of the war feemed to depend on the fate of the two cities of Cuma and Lucca, the one occupied by the Goths, the other by the Franks, and both conftantly befieged by Narfetes. That General, by the fiege and reduction of Lucca, obtained the highest reputation, as much for his clemency and humanity, as for his fkill and valour. This was the first step to his fuperiority over the Franks, and to the entire recovery of Italy. It was now no longer doubtful that the Franks, in attempting to drive the Romans out of Italy, had in view the fubjection not only of the ancient Italians, but of the Goths themfelves, in whofe favour they pretended to come. Aligern, therefore, who all this while maintained the fort of Cuma, began to think of rescuing himself and his people from the diftreffes of a long fiege, and from future danger, by furrendering the royal enfigns and every thing elfe to Narfetes, and becoming a fubject of the Roman empire. He, therefore, reprefented to the other chiefs of his party, that if the kingdom of the Oftrogoths were deftined to fall, it

would

would be more to their honour that Italy fhould return to its former poffeffors, than that it fhould fall into the hands of any other power. The Gothic chiefs being acquainted with, and concurring in his defign, he gave the befiegers to understand that he defired a conference with Narfetes; and for the fame purpose he went to the neighbouring fortrefs of Ravenna, where the Greek General was. Immediately on their interview, Aligern presented him with the keys of Cuma, and declared his readiness to acquiefce in whatever he should propose. A Roman garifon was forthwith placed in Cuma, and the royal fpoils, with all the treasures that the Goths had brought to that fortrefs, were given up to Narfetes; who, on the other hand, promised and obferved the moft favourable treatment of Aligern and the Goths who fubmitted themselves to the empire. Not longer after this, the Franks, in confidence of raifing the fiege of Cuma, and, under pretence of affifting the Goths, of fiezing that mafter-fort, were advancing towards the fcene of action. But they were foon informed of the capitulation, and they loaded Aligern with the most unmerciful reproaches, calling him a traitor to his country.

Narfetes thought proper that Aligern fhould go into Cuma and publish the agreement made with the Romans; and that, for this purpose, he fhould fhew himself from an eminence, that those who paffed beneath might fee him, and the enemy give up all thoughts of creating a new King, when they found the honours of that appointment ceded to the Romans. The Franks, notwithstanding, ftill retained their refolution of carrying on war against the Romans; till partly being fubdued in battle, though greatly fuperior in numbers, and partly cut off

difeafes, (by way of punishment, Agathias tells us, for their facrilege and unpiety) they were compelled to leave the Romans, fo far at leaft as they were concerned, the entire and uninterrupted dominion of Italy. Only one party remained, confifting of about feven thousand Goths, who had formerly joined the Franks, but being deferted by them, and finding themfelves abandoned to the mercy of the conqueror, in diftruft of that mercy had thrown themfelves into Confa, under the command of Ragnar, a Hunn. This bold man, though of the vileft extraction, was not without ambition; and had not his perfidious machinations failed, he might have occafioned new revolutions in the affairs of Italy. This Barbarian, confcious how difficult it would be, to oppofe by open force the growing power and reputation of Narfetes, was willing to try whether he could not obtain fome honourable terms by furrender, or at least avail himself by treachery. He therefore defired an interview with Narfetes, and obtained it. The place appointed was in the open field; where Narfetes, after a fhort

con

conference, finding the high and 'haughty! terms, in which the Hunn talked of a furrender, difmiffed him; and, in all probability, the barbarian, by no means folicitous to come to terms, might have refufed many proposals. Ragnar, on leaving Narfetes, fet his face towards Confa, but fuddenly turning back, as the Scythians and the Parthians used to do in battle, aimed a dart at Narfetes, which however miscarried. The guards of Narfetes, on feeing the treachery of Ragnar, and the danger of their General, immediately came up, and put the traitor to death. When Ragnar was thus cut off, whofe audacious fpirit alone had fupported the remains of their party, the Goths immediately furrendered, and Narfetes, without difficulty granted them their lives. However, to deftroy the feeds of future commotions, he determined that these seven thousand Goths fhould go to Conftantinople, for he could by no means affure himself that fuch a body of warlike men, might not in a country their own nation had governed, be once more excited to infurrection and rebellion. Thus ended the famous kingdom of the Goths, which after flourishing for many years, and experiencing a variety of fortune as many more, was at length totally deftroyed by the valour of Narfetes.

Thefe extracts will give our Readers an idea of the utility of this hiftory, its clear arrangement of facts, the elegance of the compofition, and the judgment and liberality of the Author's obfervations.

The fecond volume concludes with the fixteenth book, and brings down the hiftory as low as the 15th century. The bu finefs fince that period, which is very confiderable, remains for a third volume of which we fhall give our Readers an account, as foon as we receive it from Turin.

ART. II. The Life of Henry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke*. 8vo. I s. 6d. Davies. 1770.

HE life of Lord Bolingbroke is fo well and fo univerfally known, that it would be fuperfluous to give our Readers any account of it, unless fomething extraordinary on the subject had been ftruck out in the prefent work. As that is not the cafe, we fhall take this opportunity of indulging a defire we have long had at heart, of expofing that falfe, futile and flovenly ftyle, which, to the utter neglect of grammatical precifion and purity, difgraces fo many of our modern compofitions. The interefts of literature, and of our language in particular, call us to this duty, and no Author ever gave a fairer opportunity of difcharging it, than the Author of this life of Bolingbroke affords us.

* Prefixed to a new edition of that mafterly work of his Lordship's, the Differtation on Parties.

In

Inftances of falfe language, and other faults in this tract. 1. The abuse of metonymy by extending it too far, and giving it a more than poetical licence in profe, is entirely destructive of purity and precifion. There are fome characters that feem formed by nature to take delight in ftruggling with oppofition, and whose most agreeable hours are paffed in ftorms of their own creating.' Here we find the agreeable hours of characters, and characters creating forms.

2. Another inftance of the fame fault. The fubject of the prefent sketch was not lefs employed in improving his fuperior talents, than in finding objects on which to exercise their activity.' Here we have a fubject employed in finding objects.

3. A falfe obfervation. Thofe, whom his politics may please, will be fure to condemn him for his religion.' Is any particular fyftem of religion neceffarily connected with any particular fyftem of politics? may there not be many who approve of Bolingbroke's principles in both?

4. Bolingbroke's family is found to trace its original as high as Adam de Port, Baron of Bafing, before the conqueft.' We can recollect nothing of Barons in England before the conqueft *.

5. Bolingbroke imbibed the first principles of his education amongst the diffenters;-and perhaps the abfurdity of the first lectures he received, might have given him that contempt for all religions, which he might have justly conceived against one.' Now, what are we to underftand by all religions? All the religions in the world. Well, and what religion was that of the diffenters, against which, this writer fays, Bolingbroke might have justly conceived a contempt? Was it Judaifm, or Paganism, or the religion of Mahomet? No-What then?the religion of Jefus Chrift-For, to the beft of our knowledge, the Diffenters never profeffed any other religion.

6. Sharp-fighted at difcovering the abfurdities of others, however he might have been guilty of eftablifhing many of his own.' Instead of however guilty he might have been.

7. His fubtilty in thinking and reafoning were PROFOUND' What mortal ever heard of profound fubtilty? What writer but this heedlefs Biographer could poffibly have told us that fubtilty were PROFOUND? Subtilis, acer, profundus—The ideas are totally diftinct.

* The title Baron was totally unknown to the Saxons. Their 'term for that dignity was Thane. The words Thane and Thaneland were fucceeded, at the conqueft, by Baron and Barony. See a valuable performance entitled An historical dissertation concerning the antiquity of the English conftitution.

8. This

8. This period [of Bolingbroke's rakish youth] might have been compared to that of fermentation in liquors, which grow muddy before they brighten; but it muft alfo be confeft, that thofe liquors which never ferment, are feldom clear.' Upon thefe principles it would be a confiderable advantage to a man to be a rake in his youth. But neither is the fecond member of the fimile, nor the application, juft. It is not true that fermented liquors only are clear. What does the Author think of fuch liquors as are diftilled, and undergo no fermentation? And was Bolingbroke, after all, really clear? That clearnefs was, perhaps, one of the laft qualities he was capable of attaining.

9. There are two or three things more of his compofition, which have appeared fince his death, but which neither do honour to his parts or memory.' By compofition we suppose the Author means poetical compofition. It is plain, in that case, that either he has not feen his Almahide †, or has wanted tafte to diftinguish its beauties.

10. Bolingbroke and his wife parted by mutual confent, both equally difpleafed. Arrah!

11. The English annals SCARCE produce a more trying juncture, or that required fuch various abilities to regulate." In this short sentence, Prifcian's head has received no fewer than four blows.

12. He was created Baron St. John and Viscount Bolingbroke; by the laft of which titles he is now generally known, and likely to be talked of to pofterity.' Futile, and impertinent! Is not every Peer known and talked of by the fuperior title?

13. Such men were unfit to take the lead on any occasion, be their abilities or induftry ever fo great.' Grofly ungrammatical!

14.

A regency had been fome time before appointed to govern the kingdom.' A government appointed to govern!

15. As an inftance, among many others, of that flovenlinefs we have already mentioned, we refer the Reader to p. 80, where he will find the word that, ufed no fewer than five times in feven lines.

16. Such were the articles [the Pretender's impeachment of Bolingbroke as his fecretary] by a very extraordinary reverfe of fortune, preferred against Lord Bolingbroke, in less than a year after fimilar articles were drawn up against him by the oppofite party at home.' A fimilarity of events, a reverfe of fortune?

+ See London Chronicle, vol. iv. p. 629; from whence, if we are not mistaken, this admirable ode was copied into the periodical collections about that time-1758,

17. Wait