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in the way.

on the subject with Guizot, Thiers and Lamartine ; and each encouraged him to establish a journal of his own, as he said he had some notion of doing. With his mind fully imbued with this resolution, he returned to Turin; but he soon found that there were formidable obstacles

His friends, being aware of the views he would advocate, were not willing to advance him the necessary funds; so that for a time he was obliged to abandon the project.

His failure only served to excite him more and more against absolutism, at the same time rendering him a more decided Liberal than ever. This soon brought him into collision with the authorities, for we find that he was arrested in 1832, while visiting some congenial friends at Genoa, and confined in the fortress of Fort du Bard. It was while suffering here for avowing his belief in the Rights of Man that he wrote his celebrated prophetic letter to a lady of Turin, in which he boldly predicted that he would one day be a Minister of the Kingdom of Italy. "Je vous remercie,” he says, “ Madame la Marquise, pour l'intérêst que vous prenez à ma disgrace ; mais croyez le bien, je ferai tout de même ma carrière. J'ai beaucoup d'ambition, une ambition énorme, et lorsque je serai ministre, j'espère que je la justifierai, puisque dans mes rêves je me vois déjà ministre du Royaume de l'Italie.” Thus he thanks the lady for the kind interest she has taken in his disgrace, but confidently assures her that it will not prevent him from fulfilling his career, and attaining the highest position in the government of Italy.

Shortly after his liberation from Fort du Bard, he set out on a visit to Lombardy; but the Austrian police refused to allow him to cross the frontiers. He was not to be easily discouraged, however. He waited for a few days at Vercelli, and wrote to the authorities at Milan. The latter, ashamed to refuse an Italian nobleman, in the face of Europe, to pass through an Italian province, sent him a passport, but it was accompanied with orders to the police that he should be carefully watched. He was too much annoyed at Milan by government spies to remain long; but he saw and heard enough, even in a few days, to convince him that a majority of the Milanese, if not of the whole people of Lombardy, entertained opinions in regard to the domination of Austria which were not very dissimilar to his own.

It was with this knowledge and experience that, in 1835, he set out on his European travels, visiting, in turn, all the principal capitals on the continent, and alternately residing at Paris, Geneva, and London, but staying the greater part of his time at the last-mentioned city. Having paid hurried visits to Scotland and Ireland, he undertook to write a book, or rather a pamphlet, on the latter country. He had previously written several pamphlets on different subjectschiefly in relation to Italian affairs; but they had attracted little if any attention. It was otherwise, however, with his work on Ireland, which gave great satisfaction in England. Indeed, it was very generally believed, at the time, that this was the chief object of its author. Just then O'Connell was engaged with the Repeal movement-holding“monster meetings” in all parts of the country, and attracting the attention of all Europe. The friends of constitutional liberty in all parts of the world warmly sympathized with the great Agitator in his efforts to obtain à repeal of the Legislative Union. But, to the surprise of most people who knew him, Cavour formed an exception. Overlooking the fact that O'Connell had previously wrested many important concessions from the British Government-such as Catholic Emancipation, the abolition of the tithes, &c., concessions which fully entitled him to the name of Liberator, bestowed upon him with one accord by nine-tenths of his countrymen—the Count de Cavour saw fit to sneer at him as a selfish agitator, who did Ireland more harm than good. He was also the first foreigner, and, so far as we can remember, the last, to express the opinion that Ireland had little, if anything, to complain of, so far as the British Government was concerned. This, indeed, was news to the English themselves. Of many Englishmen and Englishwomen who visited Ireland at the same time, we cannot recall one who had not the honesty, generosity, or characteristic love of "fair play,” to point out griev- : ances of which the people had a just right to complain. But, nevertheless, his book on Ireland brought Cavour into notice in England, and from its publication until the day of his death, whatever policy he pursued was sure to receive the approbation of the leading organs of public opinion in Great Britain.

No English statesman could have taken more pains to render himself popular in England than Cavour. During the sessions of Parliament he was always a regular attendant at the House of Commons, attending the House of Lords as



the case.

often as convenient; and he lost no opportunity of expressing his admiration for such important measures as happened to become law in his time; so that, when he returned to his native country in 1842, he was regarded by a large party in England as the best representative of British interests that could have been sent to Italy-a better representative than if he had been a Englishman, since, in this case, his advocacy of English policy would be received with a due allowance for patriotism, diplomatic position, &c. Nor were the Italian Liberals slow in taking this view of

Mazzini said ten years ago in a Turin paper that if Cavour got into power England need send no minister or chargé d'affaires to the Sardinian capital ; nor did he alter his opinion until the day of the Minister's death ; an opinion, or rather a feeling, which has been shared by a large proportion of the Republicans of Italy. To many this may seem a strange remark in view of what has been accomplished within the last three years for Italian nationality, but we will explain presently, and try to show how much of the credit of the change is due to the Count de Cavour.

It was not until 1847 that the Count commenced the publication of his second journal (the first was devoted almost exclusively to agriculture), the Risorgimento; having first secured the aid of such contributors as Azeglio, Santa Rosa, Balbo and Buoncompagni—all Counts-not one of them what Cicero would call a novus homo, or a self-made man chosen from among the people. The paper was conducted with considerable ability ; though it exhibited no remarkable talent. At no time was its circulation extensive; but few copies of it passed the frontiers of Sardinia, scarcely any went beyond the Alps. As a business enterprise, it never was successful. Had the founder been merely a literary person he could not have carried it on for one year. In short, it is said that he lost a sum equal to fifty thousand dollars by it, each of his colaborateurs having lost a smaller sum according as he was able to afford contributions. It was, however, no loss in the end, but a great gain, at least to Count Cavour, for there is no doubt but it contributed in no small degree to his elevation.

One of his first political papers was an attack not upon Austria but upon the Neapolitan government. That the king of Naples deserved to be denounced few will deny ; but it would have been more patriotic, if not more manly, to


have denounced the stronger power, especially as it deserved it quite as much as the weaker. Austria was the common enemy of Italy, and had been for ages, whereas, whatever oppression the Neapolitans experienced, it was at the hands of their own countrymen, for even the king, though a member of the Bourbon family, had become an Italian in his feelings and sympathies, as well as in his interests. In short, the Neapolitan government was as much a native government as that of Spain, France, or England, while the Italian rule of Austria was notoriously and emphatically that of the foreigner and the stranger.

The next movement in which the future Minister took an active part was the getting up of meetings having for their chief object the expulsion of the Jesuits——those who, whatever were their faults, had taught him his best lessons. The one of the fraternity who had taken most pains with his education remonstrated with him against pursuing such a

“Is this,” he asks, “ the way you would reward me and my brethren? What evil can you say we have done to Sardinia, or to Italy, except you can call it an evil to der vote our best efforts to the cause of education and civilization, as well as to the cause of religion ?" This seems to have had its effect on Cavour; for when the petition was brought up for general signature, at one of the meetings convened for that purpose, he introduced a very different subject, and gave utterance to the noblest sentiments to be found in his whole works. Several had been discussing the propriety of sending a deputation to the King, composed of citizens both of Turin and Genoa, which would not only present the petition, but also urge it upon his Majesty to comply with its prayer.

“Why should we," says Cavour, “ ask, in a round-about way, for concessions which end in nothing? I propose that we should petition the King to concede to us the inestimable benefits of public discussion in the face of the country, in which the opinions, the interests, and the wants of the whole nation shall be represented. I propose that we shall ask for a constitution.

This was undoubtedly a good proposition ; but far from pleasing the Republicans it excited their suspicions against the author-suspicions which seemed to assume an air of reality, when it was found, not long after, that as soon as the meeting was over Cavour sought an interview with the king, Charles Albert, in which he assured his Majesty that the con

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stitutional party, of which he might now be regarded as the head, had no other object in view than the support of the throne and the true interests of the people as identical with those of the government. And that his assurance was believed is sufficiently evident from the fact that in a few weeks after a constitution was granted by the King, in compliance with a petition presented by the municipality of Turin.

It is only now the public life of the Count de Cavour may be said to have commenced. It was he that framed the first electoral law, and the first electoral college of Turin sent him to the Chamber of Deputies as its representative. The Republicans now felt convinced that they need put no confidence in him ; they even insulted him in the public streets as a traitor to the cause of Italian liberty. It was in vain that he was the first to urge the King in 1848 to declare war against Austria. “If he does so," replied Mazzini, when informed of the fact, “it is for the sake of monarchy, or for his own aggrandizement, not for the sake of Republicanism, of which he is at heart one of the worst enemies." The indignation of the Republicans pursued him into the Chamber of Deputies, where his speeches were interrupted by shouts and uproar, while those who spoke against him were enthusiastically applauded ; for he himself had introduced a clause into the constitution by which the spectators in the galleries were allowed to signify their dislike, or approbation, of what was passing in the Chamber. His unpopularity increased from day to day until the King, being compelled to form a democratic ministry, had to dissolve the Chamber. The city of Turin deemed it prudent to choose another representative for the new Parliament, and Count de Cavour retired once more into private life. But he was not destined to be long in obscurity. The excesses of the Republicans in 1849 soon led to a dissolution of the Chambers, and he was triumphantly elected towards the close of the year.

Charles Albert had now been succeeded by Victor Emanuel, who had unbounded confidence in the statesmanlike abilities and patriotism of Cavour. He was still looked upon with suspicion by the Republicans; but there was soon a change. Siccardi introduced a bill, the object of which was to establish ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and it was vigorously supported by Cavour. Four-fifths of those who had lately hated him so much, now gathered around him and called him

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