Mr. Sloper:

Sir; I cannot, without the highest satisfaction, observe any advances made in useful knowledge, by my fellow-subjects, as the glory of such attainments must add to the reputation of the kingdom which gives rise to such elevated abilities.

This satisfaction I have received from the observations of the right hon. member, whose accurate computations cannot but promise great improvements of the doctrine of arithmetic; nor can I forbear to solicit him, for the sake of the public, to take into his consideration the present methods of traffic used by our merchants, and to strike out some more commodious method of stating the accompts between those two contending parties debtor and creditor. This he would doubtless execute with great reputation, who has proved from the state of our taxes, that new forces require new funds, and that new funds cannot be established without a lottery.

I am, indeed, inclined to differ from him in the last of his positions, and believe the nation not yet so much exhausted, but that it may easily bear the expence of the war; and shall therefore vote for that establishment of our troops which will be most likely to procure success, without the least apprehension of being censured either by the present age, or by posterity, as a machine of the ministry, or an oppressor of my country.

General Wade spoke again:

Sir; since the right hon. member has been pleased to insinuate, that by answering a plain question I may put an end to the debate, I am willing to give a proof of my desire to promote unanimity in our councils, and dispatch in our affairs, by complying with his proposal.

If I were obliged with a small sum to raise an army for the defence of a kingdom, I should undoubtedly proceed with the utmost frugality; but this noble person's ideas of frugality would, perhaps, be very different from mine; he would think these expences superfluous, which to me would seem indispensibly necessary, and though we should both intend the preservation of the country, we should provide for its security by different methods.

He would employ the money in such a manner as might procure the greatest numbers; I should make my first enquiry after the most skilful officers, and should imagine myself obliged by my fidelity to the nation, that entrusted me with its de

fence, to procure their assistance, though at a high price.

It is not easy for persons who have never seen a battle or a siege, whatever may be their natural abilities, or however cultivated by reading and contemplation, to conceive the advantage of discipline and regularity, which is such, that a small body of veteran troops will drive before them multitudes of men, perhaps equally bold and resolute with themselves, if they are unacquainted with the rules of war, and unprovided with leaders to direct their motions.

I should therefore, in the case which he has mentioned, prefer discipline to numbers, and rather enter the field with a few troops well governed and well instructed, than with a confused multitude unac quainted with their duty, unable to conduct themselves, and without officers to conduct them.

Mr. Viner:

Sir; I am not very solicitous what may be the determination of the House upon this question, because I think it more necessary to resolve against an augmentation of the army, than to enquire, whether it shall be made by one method or another.

Every addition to our troops I consider as some approach towards the establishment of arbitrary power, as it is an alienation of part of the British people, by which they are deprived of the benefits of the constitution, and subjected to rigorous laws, from which every other individual is exempt.

The principal of these laws, which all the rest are intended to enforce, requires from every soldier an unlimited and absolute obedience to the commands of his officers, who hold their commissions, and expect advancement by the same compliance with the orders of the ministry.

The danger of adding to the number of men, thus separated from their fellow subjects, and directed by the arbitrary determinations of their officers, has been often explained with great strength and perspicuity; nor should I have taken this occasion of recalling it to the attention of the House, but that I think it a consideration, to which, in all debates on the army, the first regard ought to be paid.

Colonel Mordaunt :

Sir; the objection which the hon. gentleman has raised, will be most easily removed, by considering the words of the

the first discovery, and will never own that they were incited to their duty by the remonstrances of their opponents, though they never before those remonstrances had discovered the least intention of performing it.

service, which cannot be imagined by any man, who considers that there has been peace for almost thirty years; a space of time, in which many vigorous constitutions must have declined, and many who were once well qualified for command, must be disabled by the infirmities of age. Nor is the promotion of one of these gentlemen considered always as an act of favour, many of them have in this long interval of peace engaged in methods of life very little consistent with military employments, many of them have families which demand their care, and which they would not forsake for any advantages which a new commission could afford them, and therefore it would not be very consistent with humanity to force them into new dangers and fatigues, which they are now unable to support.

With regard to these men, compassion and kindness seem to require that they should be suffered to spend their few remaining days without interruption, and that the dangers and toils of their youth should be requited in their age with ease

and retirement.

There are others who have less claim to the regard of the public, and who may be passed by in the distribution of new preferments without the imputation of neglecting merit. These are they who have voluntarily resigned their commissions for the sake of half-pay, and have preferred indolence and retreat to the service of their country.

So that it appears, that of those who now subsist upon half-pay, some are unable to execute a commission, some do not desire, and some do not deserve it, and with regard to the remaining part, which can be no great number, I have already declared the intention of his majesty, and therefore cannot but conclude that the notion is needless.

Mr. Pulteney:

Sir; I know not by what fatality it is, that all the motions made by one party are reasonable and necessary, and all that are unhappily offered by the other, are discovered either to be needless or of pernicious tendency. Whenever a question can be clouded and perplexed, the opponents of the ministry are always mistaken, confuted, and in consequence of the confutations defeated by the majority of votes. When truth is too notorious to be denied, and too obvious to be contested, the administration always claim the honour of [VOL. XI.]

But that the motion is allowed to be just and proper, is sufficient, the importance of it will be easily discovered. For my part I shall always consider that motion as important, which tends to contract the expences of the public, to rescue merit from neglect, and to hinder the increase of the dependents on the ministry. Sir Robert Walpole:

Sir; there is no temper more opposite to that incessant attention to the welfare of the public, which is the perpetual boast of those who have signalized themselves by opposing the measures of the adminis tration, than a lust of contradiction, and a disposition to disturb this assembly with superfluous debates.

Whether this disposition is not discovered in the reply made to the declaration of his majesty's intentions, and the confession of the propriety of the motion, let the House determine. It must surely be confessed, that it is not necessary to advise what is already determined.

Nor is it less evident, that many of the officers whose interest is now so warmly solicited, must be incapacitated by their age for service, and unable to receive any benefit from the offer of new commissions. To deny this, is to question the flux of time, or to imagine that the constitution of a soldier is exempt from its injuries.

Mr. Sandys:

Sir; I am far from intending by this motion to fill the army with decrepid officers, or to obstruct in any manner the service of the public; nor have I any other intention, than to secure to those whose years permit, and whose inclinations incite them to enter once more into the army, that preferment to which they have à claim, not only from their past services, but from the state of penury and obscurity in which they have languished.

I desire to preserve those whose valour has heretofore made our nation the terror of the world, from the mortification of seeing themselves insulted by childhood, and commanded by ignorance; by ignorance exalted to authority, by the countenance of some rhetorician of the House, or some mayor of a borough.

Whoever has observed the late distribution of military honours, will easily discover that they have been attained by qualifications very different from bravery, or knowledge of the art of war; he will find that regiments and companies are the rewards of a seasonable vote, and that no man can preserve his post in the army, whether given him as the reward of acknowledged merit, or sold him for the full value, any longer than he employs all his influence in favour of the ministry.

Sir Robert Walpole :

Sir; it has been already admitted, that the motion can only be objected to as superfluous, and therefore all farther debate is mere waste of time without any prospect of advantage, nor is any thing now necessary, but to review the motion, and correct such expressions as may be thought inaccurate or improper.

Bishop of Sarum. Provision is made by law bishops have no concern in the matter. for his majesty to make alterations, and the

Chesterfield. They have no power: but this alteration might have been suggested by them. The Motion agreed to unanimously.

Sir John Barnard :

Sir; though I cannot discover the necessity of any alteration, since it cannot be conceived that the parliament can advise impossibilities, yet since so much accuracy is affected, it may be allowed that the word 'all' shall be left out, as seeming to imply more than can be intended.

But the hon. gentleman is not, in my opinion, so happy in his amendment, as in his objection; for the words properly qualified' convey to me no distinct idea. He that is qualified, is, I suppose, properly qualified, for I never heard of improper qualifications; but if the word 'properly' be omitted, I have no objection to the amendment.

Resolved, nem. con. "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, that, for the present and future ease of his majesty's subjects, he would be graciously pleased to employ in his army such persons as now remain upon half pay, who are qualified to serve his majesty.”

Debate in the Lords on the King's Answer to an Address for the Issue of the Prince of Wales to be prayed for.] Jan.

issue being prayed for, viz. that he would give order about it in due time, improper. Motion, "To Address the king to acquaint the House who had advised him to give that answer."

Sandwich. The Answers of the king are the answers of the minister. Able and upright ministers of late, much less the produce of England than other countries. If a minister grow luxuriant, to crop the branches will be salutary to the field beneath and to the service of the tree. This Answer is saying, that if the thing be done, it will not be done at our request. You will not suffer surely your privileges to be trampled on, by one who out of gratitude ought at least to treat you with common decency.

Raymond. In due time' implies it will be

done.

Chesterfield. I in some degree repent of making the motion. It hath occasioned one of the greatest slights, though not the first by many that have been put upon us. Our constitution and my knowledge of his majesty's regard for the House, makes me look upon this as the advice of the minister. In other cases the minister might know it was not a proper time, but in this the first time was demonstrably the proper time. In the late reign, persons in the same situation were prayed for immediately after the accession. What more natural and universally expected than the same thing now. But it might arise more naturally from another, than the king: It might escape him. It would have been a proper compliment to represent it to him. And it was mentioned in this House two years ago. [See vol. 10, p. 1362.] The Answer implies it is not a due time, and is very little different from that when a bill is refused. And it can be given only, because you have advised; there may be a consciousness that