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CLASSES OF CONJUNCTIONS.

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Copulative, or such as are used in combinations: et, and;

que, and (que is called an enclitic, that is, it is subjoined to the word it qualifies, and throws its accent on the word; for example, hominum deorumque, of men and gods); etiam, also; quoque (enclitic), also; neque, nec, neither, and not; et-et, both; neque-neque, neither-nor. Adversative, or such as denote opposition: at, but (ast, poetical); tamen, yet; verum, truly; vero, in reality; attămen (at and tamen), verumtamen, but yet; enimvero, verum enimvēro, but indeed; sed, but; autem, but; atqui, but yet.

3. Disjunctive, or such as denote separation: aut, vel, ve (enclitic), or; aut-aut, either, or; vel-vel, ve―ve, either-or. 4. Causal, or such as assign a reason: nam, namque, enim, etenim (et and enim), for; quum (from qui), since; quod (from qui), because; quoniam (quum and jam), since; quandoquidem, seeing that; tanquam (tam and quam), as, as if.

5. Conclusive, or such as indicate a conclusion or inference: eo, ideo (id and co), idcirco (id and circa), propterea (propter and ea), on that account; ergo (Greek epyov, er'-gon, work, deed), igitur, therefore; proinde, accordingly; quocirca, quamobrem, wherefore.

6.

7.

Local, or such as indicate place: ubi, where; unde, whence; quo, whither; qua, by what road; quatenus, how far. Temporal, or such as signify time: dum, whilst; donec, until; quoad (quod and ad), up to the time when; quum, when, since; quum primum, as soon as; quando, since; priusquam, antequam, anteaquam, before; postquam, posteaquam, after; simulac (simul and ac), simulatque, simul, as soon as; ut, as; utprimum, as soon as; ubi, where, since; quoties, as often as.

LESSONS IN LATIN.

wise than by the infinitive mood, the subjunctive must be employed. The necessity of employing another mood than the 1. infinitive arises from the fact that for the expression of the sense, you have to use the relative pronoun, or some relative particle, such as quod, quin, quum.

In what is called the obliqua oratio, the relative clause takes the verb in the subjunctive mood. The obliqua oratio, or indirect mode of speech, takes place when a fact, instead of 2. being simply related as a fact, is given as set forth or conceived by the speaker. The obliqua oratio supposes or implies the recta, the straightforward or simple statement; asThe Recta Oratio.-Reversi sunt qui venerunt.

They who came returned.

The Obliqua Oratio.-Reversos esse qui venerint indignabatur Cæsar.
Cæsar was angry that they who came returned.

Here qui venerunt in the direct form is changed into qui vene-
rint in the indirect form.

If the relative clause expresses an object or aim, the subjunctive is required; as

Delecti Delphos missi sunt qui consulerent Apollinem,

Chosen persons were sent to Delphi to consult Apollo.

Here there is a latent reference to the understood or avowed design in the minds of those who chose the deputies. Had the word stood qui consuluerunt, the sense would have been that persons were sent, and that those persons did consult the oracle, whether chosen for that purpose or not.

A relative clause is put in the subjunctive when the relative has a causal force, that is, assigns the reason of the act, or the nature, the consequence, or the result of the thing; as

Incidunt causæ quæ conturbent animos,

Events happen of such a nature as to disturb our minds;

a different statement from

Incidunt causæ quæ conturbant animos,

Events happen, and these events disturb the mind,

whether or not they are of a nature to do so.

8. Comparative, or such as imply a comparison: ut (uti), sicut, velut, ceu, like, just as; quomodo, quemadmodum, in which manner, that, as; quippe, for, since.

The relative followed by a subjunctive is often preceded by dignus, indignus, idoneus, aptus, tantus, talis, is, ejusmodi, etc.: 9. for example

Tabulæ non satis digna sunt quæ iterum legantur, The plays are not worth being read a second time. There is a causal force in the phrases, is sum qui, I am the person (to do so and so), est qui, sunt qui, reperiuntur qui, there are such persons, persons are found who, etc.: for example

Ego is sum qui Cæsari concedi putem utile esse,

I am the person to think it useful to concede to Cæsar.

10.

Conditional, or such as express a condition or stipulation: si, if; nisi (ne and si), unless; sin (si and ne), but if; si mŏdo, if only; dummodo, modo, provided that; dummodo ne, modo ne, if only not; sive (seu), or if; sive-sive, whether that or.

Concessive, or such as denote a concession or admission : etsi (et and si), although; etiamsi, even if; tametsi (but if), quanquam, although; quamvis, quamlibet, quantumvis, however; licet, if indeed; ut, suppose that.

Somewhat similar are the negative phrases nemo est quin, 11. Final, or such as assign the end, object, or result: ut, in

nihil est quin; as

Nego in Sicilia totâ ullam picturam fuisse quin Verres conquisierit.
I deny that there was in all Sicily a picture but Verres made it his own.
Here the particle quin is equivalent to quam non.

As the relative quin, so the relative particles quod and quum, when they assign a reason, require a subjunctive mood; but these will be treated as conjunctions.

Sometimes the causal force of the relative must be given in
English by a circumlocution; as-

Tarquinio quid impudentius, qui bellum gererat cum iis qui non tulerunt
ejus superbiam?
What is more impudent than Tarquin, who made war against those who did

not brook his arrogance?

In this translation the force of the qui with the subjunctive is hardly seen. It would be better to say FOR he made war or INASMUCH as he made war, or to paraphrase the words thus, whose impudence was seen in that he made war.

Occasionally the particles utpote and quippe are prefixed to the relative in order to increase its causal force; for exampleAntonius non procul aberat, utpote qui expeditus sequeretur, Antony was not far distant, since he followed unencumbered.

CONJUNCTIONS AND VERBS.

Conjunctions are words which unite other words together. This is the meaning of the term conjunction (con and jungo), if we are guided by its etymology. A wider signification is required by the service which conjunctions render. Led by their application, we may define conjunctions as words which mark the relations in which sentences and clauses of sentences (or abbreviated sentences) stand to each other. How numerous those relations are may be learnt from these

order that; ne, in order that not; neve (neu), and in order that not, nor; quin, that not, but; quo, wherewith; quominus, wherewith not.

It is not possible to assign to these and other particles meanThe meanings ings which shall be applicable in all cases. actually given must be modified by experience. The subject is one of special difficulty, and can be mastered only by long and careful study.

Some of these classes of conjunctions qualify rather than disjunctive, the conclusive, etc. It is chiefly the causal, the govern verbs; such are the copulative, the adversative, the conditional, the concessive, and the final that exert on verbs the peculiar influence which we have termed government-they have, that is to say, a direct action, and as a direct action, so a direct influence on verbs, producing in them a change of mood. The following sentence presents an instance of a qualifying conjunction and an instance of a governing conjunction:-

Legum idcirco omnes servi sumus, ut liberi esse possimus, We are all slaves to the laws, on that account that we may be free. Idcirco qualifies the first member of the sentence, and ut (that or in order that) governs the verb of the second, putting it into the subjunctive mood.

The subjunctive is for the most part the mood which governing conjunctions require; but quod, for instance, may stand with the indicative: for example

Quanta est benignitas naturæ quod tam multa ad vescendum gignit,
How great is the kindness of Nature that she produces so many things to eat.

The indicative is employed generally when the second member is explanatory of the first, and the quod is little more than a connecting particle.

LESSONS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY.-I.

BY J. E. THOROLD ROGERS, Μ.Α., Professor of Political Economy in the University of Oxford from 1862 to 1867.

POLITICAL Economy is the latest of the sciences. It is also one of the hardest. But it is certainly one of the most important, for there is none whose aims are more beneficent. In so far as society understands and obeys its laws, it makes progress in opulence and civilisation; in so far as it neglects or disobeys them, it stands still, or goes back. Furthermore, it is what is called an inductive science. It is not like Geometry or Arithmetic-a series of long reasonings gathered from a few simple axioms and definitions-but it has to be carefully collected from facts, and what it lays down as a principle has to be measured by experience. In this first lesson I shall try to show what I mean by all these statements.

As soon as ever men began to reason about government, law, morals, and other subjects in which civilised society is interested, and by which it exists, they could not but take some note of the circumstances on which the wealth and prosperity of a nation depend. Thus, in the early days of ancient civilisation, the philosophers of Greece and Rome wrote on government and general politics, and sketched what in their minds was the ideal of a perfect state. But though they propounded a variety of ingenious theories, which are studied with advantage and interest in our own day, they made but little progress in the science whose aim it is to expound the manner in which wealth is obtained and distributed among the several classes of which society is composed of the means, in brief, by which the largest number of persons can subsist in the greatest possible affluence by the least possible labour.

There is, I believe, a sufficient explanation of the fact that this topic did not occupy the minds of those acute thinkers, in the circumstance that every ancient community allowed or encouraged slavery. The moral evils which ensue from such a social state as that in which men hold their fellow-men in bondage need not be referred to here; they are so manifest that the whole civilised world is agreed in condemning the practice. But the peculiar economical mischief that ensues from slavery is, that as slavery degrades labour, so it prevents persons from seeing that labour is the cause of wealth, and that as labour is economised, wealth progressively increases. Besides, freedom is as essential to exchange as it is to morality. From the point of view which an economist takes, men are engaged in producing objects of desire or demand with as little labour as they can, and with a view to exchanging them as freely as possible. Now it is plain that when labour is enslaved the motive to make labour as effectual as possible is annulled, and that the full power of exchange is taken away. It cannot be by accident that the first promulgation of a system of political economy was made at the time in which slavery was condemned in principle, and only permitted in practice under protest. It must not indeed be supposed because freedom to labour at one's own discretion is accorded to all members of a civilised community, that perfect freedom of exchange is also allowed. But this at least is admitted: that whenever personal liberty is controlled by law or custom, the control is always on its defence, is always liable to be challenged, and must be approved before it can be allowed or continued. In short, the discretion of an individual is limited only on the plea that the public good requires such a limitation. Supposing two communities are at war with each other, it is plain that either may and should prevent any one of its subjects from supplying the hostile government with the means of continuing the war. Similarly, it has been alleged, and is still alleged, that a community is justified in forcing its members to deal with their fellow-countrymen only in particular articles, in order that the manufacture of such articles should be planted or established at home. We shall hereafter examine the grounds on which this plea is defended. It is sufficient to repeat here that any interference with the freedom of exchange on the part of government is, and hereafter will be, on its trial.

It has been said above that Political Economy is one of the hardest of the sciences. It is true that when any one of its #inted it becomes as plain as any law of Nature; Best lies in proving it, and next in inducing

people to accept the proof, and act upon it. Mr. Mill has said, with equal truth and clearness, that fallacies in which the wisest of our forefathers believed are now so utterly exploded, that the belief in such fallacies reminds one of those opinions of children, which are corrected by a word from grown-up persons. But he also observes that the acutest among us should not think, had he lived in the age when such an error was prevalent, that he would have escaped the delusion which occupied men's minds. People do not like to be disabused of a habit, especially of an habitual opinion with which they have been made familiar, and to which they have accommodated themselves. It is easy to illustrate this disposition by appealing to a fact in the history of Political Economy.

For many a century men believed that money-i.e., pieces of the precious metals coined and circulated-was wealth; that a man was rich according to the number of these pieces which he possessed; and that similarly a state or government was rich proportionately to the treasure which it had accumulated. All the common phrases of language favoured this notion, as they had been derived from it. Persons were said to be worth so much money; objects of value were said to be worth so many pieces of such metals. A man with money in his pocket was seen to be able to command the industry of others at his discretion; poverty and riches, therefore, were identified with the absence or presence of these bits of gold and silver. Philosophers used the same language with ordinary people. Bacon saw poverty in a diminished stock of the precious metals; and Locke, commenting on the perishable nature of most possessions, observes that "money is a steady friend."

Now it very seldom happens that any statement, mischievous or erroneous though it be, is wholly destitute of truth. Mistakes, fallacies, delusions, are generally facts exaggerated, distorted, or misinterpreted. The popular notions about money rested on a single truth. There can be no doubt that, under ordinary circumstances, there is nothing so saleable as money-nothing which can be so easily available for supplying one's wants. In order that people may buy and sell, especially in small or retail trade, they must have some article of value with which to measure other objects, and which they will take when they sell; because they are under the impression that the possession of this article will give them very much the same command over such other objects at some future time, which it gives them at the moment of their taking it. Certain qualities possessed by the metals gold and silver have pointed out these objects as the most convenient measure of value, have made all men willing to take them, and have rendered them, from this point of view, peculiarly saleable, and therefore peculiarly convenient to those who wish to gain possession of whatever they may require or wish for.

Here, however, their utility, in the sense of wealth, stops. They are very useful because they are very saleable, but only because they are very saleable. Their possessor may anticipate their future utility in this direction, and therefore store or accumulate them. Circumstances may lead him to be very eager in accumulating them, and very loth to part from them; but the eagerness with which he gathers and treasures them, only shows how thoroughly he contemplates spending them, or selling them. No reasonable person would hoard money without the remotest purpose of using it. He knows that money is power, and he may defer the exercise of the power. But he never determines that he will not, under any circumstances, use the power which he possesses. A man who will not use his money is as ill off as a man who cannot use it. A man who has buried a hoard in the earth, who has imparted the secret of its place to no one, and who never uses nor will use what he has hoarded, is no better off than if he had made no hoard at all. For money to be of any use to its possessor, it must be used or got rid of.

What is true of an individual is still more clear in the case of a community. Here money is plainly a mere article of merchandise. In little acts of exchange-those, namely, of retail trade-money is necessary in order to bring buyers and sellers together; but in large transactions goods are really exchanged against goods. Though, for manifest reasons, the value of goods is expressed in money, little or no money actually passes between dealers. The trade of this country is represented by many millions of pounds in value; but by far the largest part of this trade is carried on without the intervention of a single piece of gold or silver. A community, therefore, never keeps any more money than it finds necessary; or, in other words, it always finds it expedient to get rid of all the money which it may possess, but which is in excess of its wants. It sells it, just as it sells cotton and woollen manufactures, hardware, or any other kind of produce; and it always has sold it, however much it has been hindered from doing so by government.

LESSONS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY.

Our forefathers, however, were possessed of the idea that no nation could be rich which suffered money to go out of its custody. Hence the English monarchs appointed a great officer, called the King's Exchanger, who superintended, either in person or by deputy, all foreign commerce, in order to prevent money from leaving the kingdom, or to assist the entrance of money into it. In course of time, when it was found that certain kinds of trade could not be carried on unless permission to export money was given, precautions were taken that the goods which were bought with this money should be sold for more money, and that the country should thus be indirectly enriched. With the same object of underselling other countries, and thus of obtaining more of this coveted wealth, laws were enacted in order to keep down wages. To prevent any portion of the money which was held at home from leaving the country, Englishmen were not allowed to buy foreign goods, however cheap they might be. Laws were passed, giving, under the name of a bounty, premiums on those who could succeed in underselling their neighbours abroad; and other laws forbad the importation of food, lest a portion of the precious store of gold and silver should fall into the hands of foreigners. Trade was restricted, curtailed, hampered; a thousand jealousies were engendered, and made bitter, in order to effect that which could never be done, even if it were ever so much wished, and never should have been done, even if it had been possible. The worst parts of the commercial system which fifty years ago prevailed in this country, sprang entirely from the notion that money was wealth; and though we have slowly and with difficulty got rid of the delusion, with its consequences, other nations have so familiarised themselves with the restrictions which such a policy imposed, that they think their prosperity is held together by the chains in which they have fettered their trade.

Apart, however, from the difficulty which there is in combating and demolishing a prejudice, there are two causes which render the true solutions of social questions a hard task. In the first place, these questions are very complicated. Any common object of use and value contains collected in it a myriad of different agencies, each of which contributes something to the result. For example, a yard of calico represents an infinite number of industries, on each of which some influence may operate temporarily or permanently, but the force of which is very liable to miscalculation or misconception. The circumstances which set in motion, control, limit these several Industries, relate to what economists call the production of wealth. The product, when it comes into the market, is worth something. This is called its value, or, interpreted in money, its price. Another set of causes or circumstances determines what share each of those agents who have contributed to its production shall have in the value of the article. A third set of facts, bearing on the means by which the market is opened to the sale of the article, have to be investigated. The second and third are concerned with the distribution of wealth and its exchange; and there are parts in the theory of all these operations which are still debated, and which never will be solved except by a careful induction from facts. In the course of these lessons I shall try to throw some light on the several subjects.

Another circumstance which makes the solution of these social questions difficult, is the power of compensation which industry exhibits. Labour may be hindered and weakened by bad laws, by a sterile soil, by an unfavourable climate, by a number of artificial and natural obstacles, and yet surmount the hindrances which are put in its way. Two things only it cannot overcome-want of freedom, by which I mean the power of making its own contract for its service, reaping its own reward for its toil, and want of security in that which it has gained. To take these away is to destroy every motive for the exertion by which labour gains its ends, and every motive for the accumulation of that by which labour is rendered continuous and effective. But if these two conditions of industry are granted, it has marvellous powers of overcoming other impediments. There can be no verdure where there is perpetual

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drought or perpetual frost; but if water can reach the soil, and sufficient warmth is imparted to it, few natural obstacles will be powerful enough to hinder vegetation and growth. And in this way the labour of man has often turned sandy wastes into fruitful cornfields; has conquered an ungenial climate, an ungrateful soil; and has even changed those adverse circumstances, which seemed to form a barrier to its activity, into means by which that activity may be developed. Nor is industry always checked by avarice or arbitrary legislation. It is, no doubt, crippled by injudicious laws, but it constantly evades their worst effects, and finds, as I said above, some compensation for them. Taxation, for example, may be excessive, or oppressive, or unfair; but if industry is only stout-hearted it will continually exert itself, and with success, to greater toil and new economies, wherewith to make up the loss which has been imposed on it.

Now this power of overcoming obstacles induces an obscurity over many social questions. Labour which thrives in spite of hindrances is frequently thought to thrive in consequence of such hindrances. Thus, for instance, no worse or more vicious system of finance could have been devised for any country than that which was imposed on this country up to the close of the great Continental war. During this epoch, however, of unwise taxation, the country made great progress; and one of the greatest difficulties which they had, who argued in favour of a more generous and freer system, was the fact that the progress of the people was notable. How, persons argued, can the mischief which you denounce and condemn be so great, if the phenomena of increasing prosperity are visible about us? We do well; why imperil our well-doing at the bidding of theorists, who cannot know that we shall do better?

If, however, the conclusions of Political Economy are arrived at with difficulty, and accepted generally only after a vigorous resistance, they are uniformly beneficent. There is, it may be confidently said, no science which has ever bestowed such great benefits on mankind. The reason is not far to seek. There is not a single economical law, which is capable of distinct demonstration, which is not fully in accordance with the laws of morality, which is at variance for the clearest and most intelligible justice. Men live together in order to confer mutual benefits, to prevent or redress wrongs, to further each other's happiness. Now it is true that Political Economy takes note of those services or labours only which are capable of being valued. and paid for, and does not profess to discuss right and wrong, but only gain and loss. But these two notions differ only in form; they agree in fact. What the moralist denounces as a sin or a crime, the economist proves to be a weakness to society, a hindrance or a waste; and it is all the better for those who seek to inculcate what is just and right, that their conclusions should be strengthened by independent but corroborative evidence. Besides, though there are certain qualities and acts which are of so exalted and noble a nature, that they cannot be rewarded by any material recompense, just as they cannot be sufficiently praised and honoured, it is no loss, but rather a gain to those who bid men look beyond mere human judgments and human motives, when they find the economist allowing that certain services which man renders to man are of infinite benefit to society, are so important that society could hardly exist without them, but yet cannot be appraised by any material standard, and must be left to conscience, to benevolence, to charity, to an anxious love of well-doing, to some reward which man cannot give.

One of the best services which Political Economy tenders, is that of its teaching the inevitable consequence of breaking a natural law. The physician tells us that if people live in dirt, on unwholesome food, on impure water, if they lead intemperate or vicious lives, they must expect sickness, or at least an ill habit of body. Similarly, the economist teaches that if labour allows itself, by its own recklessness, to be perpetually without any resources except those which it gets from hand to mouth, it must accept the terms which hard employers can exact from the needy. Men who must sell in order to live, who cannot wait a day for the market to better itself, must acquiesce in the price which the market offers. So, again, a community which lives on the cheapest possible food, however thrifty and paistaking it is, is always within danger of famine, since, if ordinary supply fails, it has no other resource to fall back The Belgian peasant is the thriftiest labourer in the wori;

the Irish, before the famine of 1845, was the most reckless, according to common reports. Both lived on the cheapest kind of food, and both suffered the same extremities from the same cause. But we shall often have occasion to illustrate the position that Political Economy teaches the tendency of certain natural laws, and that serious inconvenience and loss follow the breach of these laws.

When people, then, speak of this science as harsh and stern and dismal, they are unwittingly, no doubt, but surely-preferring ignorance to knowledge. All law is the will of God, and the will of God is never harsh, stern, or dismal, except to those who wilfully defy it. As well call the art of the physician stern or harsh, because it warns men that the laws of health cannot be broken with impunity, but must be obeyed, except to the manifest danger of those who violate them, and their probable detriment.

It was stated at the beginning of this paper that Political Economy is an inductive science, and that by this is meant that its conclusions are gathered from the observation of facts-that it is a science of experience, not of demonstration. This statement requires a little expansion and illustration.

Out of a few definitions and axioms, the geometrician builds up a series of proofs. So, again, a mathematician lays down a few simple rules in arithmetic, algebra, and the like, and from these educes a series of processes by which the most elaborate calculations can be developed. Similarly, the logician proposes a few laws of thought, and from them constructs or analyses complicated reasonings. It is not necessary in a paper like this to raise the question as to what is the origin of those principles from which sciences like the above-named have their commencement. It is sufficient to point to the fact that they deal with certain forms as laws of thought, which are apparently the constituents or conditions of the mind.

In the physical universe there are a vast mass of phenomena.

In some of these phenomena man is able to lay down an hypothesis, and then proceed to verify or reject the hypothesis by experiment. For example, a chemist tells us that water is com

posed of two gases; and he can prove this incontestably, for

he can exhibit the production of water, by employing certain agencies which operate on these two gases when they are brought together. In the same way, the electrician has been able not only to account for the phenomena of thunder and lightning, but to exhibit the spark and sound on a small scale. He is able to verify his hypothesis, and to establish a physical law.

There is another set of phenomena, the proof of which is duo to the verification of hypothesis by observation. This is the way in which the laws of astronomical science have been generally discovered. The orbit of comets was, for example, first stated as an hypothesis. The discoverer then tried whether the actual course of the comet accorded with the place in which the hypothesis anticipated the body would be. In time the anticipation was satisfied. It is in this way that most astronomical dis- | coveries have been made, though it must be allowed that the most brilliant and suggestive of all, the spectrum analysis, was indebted to the method of experiment for its verification.

Now Political Economy is an inductive science of observation. We can make no experiments on society; we cannot construct a state in which we can wholly control all the constituents which contribute to an economical problem. All we can do is

the rise, growth, and downfall of communities, have laid too much stress on these continual and superficial occurrences, and have given little or no attention to the social condition of the nations whose history they profess to teach. But we may be certain of this, that the vicissitudes to which such nations have been subjected are all susceptible of an economical interpretation. An economist finds no great difficulty in explaining the brief duration of Oriental empires, in accounting for the short-lived brilliancy of ancient Greece, for the growth of the Roman power, for its utter downfall, and for the long duration of social barbarism which followed it. Nor does he find himself unable to anticipate the greater durability of modern societies, and the causes which give our civilisation its strength and coherence, while he is conscious of the hindrances which oppose its fuller development, and the difficulties which menace it.

In my next lesson I shall treat of the progress of modern society, and show how its economy has been constructed.

LESSONS IN GERMAN.-LXX.
§100.-THE ADVERBS.

(1.) Adverbs in German, as in other languages, serve to modify the signification of verbs, participles, adjectives, and often, also, that of one another; denoting, for the most part, certain limitations of time, place, degree, and manner. Hence they are usually classified according to their meaning.

(2.) They are indeclinable; and formed, either by derivation or composition, from almost every other part of speech: of some, however, the origin is wholly unknown.

Arranged according to derivation, adverbs are divisible into the following classes :

§101.-ADVERBS FORMED FROM NOUNS.

Adverbs are formed from nouns by affixing the letter 6. This termination & is nothing more than the sign of the genitive singular; which case, not only of nouns, but also of adjectives, participles, etc., is often made to perform the office of an ad

verb. Examples:

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(2.) The letter s, also, as above stated, added to adjective

to anticipate, watch, and verify our anticipation; or if we find gives rise to a class of adverbs; thus,

the facts at variance with our theory, to account for the discrepancy, or discard our theory. Nothing has done, and nothing can do, more harm to this science than to lay down a few hard rules, and then to account for the facts by the rules. The proper thing to do is to search for the rule in the facts. For example, some very ingenious writers have laid down certain positions about rent, population, profit, capital, which are found to be at variance with the facts of society, with things as they really are. We shall have occasion to illustrate the errors which such unyielding and unverified hypotheses engender.

In concluding this prefatory lesson, I may observe that the study of Political Economy constitutes the key to much which is otherwise unintelligible in history. History proposes to deal with the events which have occurred in the social progress and decay of human societies. Part of its inquiries are the wars by which empires have been founded and lost; and, indeed, it is

often the case, that those who have busied themselves with

Rechts, on the right;
Links, on the left;
Anters, otherwise;
Bereits, already;
Besonders, particularly;
Stets, continually;

from recht, right.

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link, left.

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anter, other.

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bereit, ready.

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besonder, particular. ftet, continual.

The letter & is, also, sometimes affixed to adverbs ending mal; as, vormals, formerly; damals, at that time; vielmals, man times. For numeral adverbs ending in mal, Ici, etc., see the so tion on Numerals.

(3.) Here note, also, that almost all German adjectives, the absolute form that is, in the simple form without the te minations of declension are employed as adverbs; thus, et re schnell, he runs rapidly; er handelt ehrlich, he acts honestly.

§103.-ADVERBS FORMED FROM PRONOUNS. (1.) These are, chiefly, ta, there (from der, die das, this or tha

LESSONS IN GERMAN.

two, where (from wer, was, who, what); her, hither, and hin, thither (from some corresponding demonstrative pronoun no longer found).

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things individually or separately; thus, schrittweise, step by step; theilweise, part by part; tropfenweise, drop by drop. Weise is also added to adjectives; as, diebischerweise, thievishly; glücklicherweise, fortunately.

(2.) The pronominal adverbs, in combination with other words, give rise to a number of compounds. Thus da and wo, united with prepositions, serve often instead of the dative and accusa-amples of which may be found under the head of adverbs formed tive (neuter) of the pronouns der, wer, and welcher respectively. It will be noticed, that when the other word begins with a vowel or with the letter n, da and wo are written dar and wor; that is, that t is inserted for the sake of euphony. The following are compounds of ra and wo :

(2.) Sometimes an adverb and a preposition are united; exfrom pronouns (§ 103).

Dabri, thereby, i.e., by this or Wobei, whereby, i.e., by which. that.

Dafür, therefore, i.e., for this or that.

Damit, therewith, i.e., with this

or that.

Darin, therein, i.e., in this or that.

Darunter, thereunder or among, ie., under this or that.

Darum, thereabout or therefore, i.e., for this or that; therefore. Daran, thereon, i.e., on this or that.

Darauf, thereupon, i.e., upon this or that.

Daraus, therefrom, i.e., from this or that.

Daven, thereof, i.e., of this or that.

Lazu, thereto, i.e., to this or that.

Daturch, there-through or thereby, i.e., through or by this or that.

Wofür, wherefore, i.e., for which.

Womit, wherewith, i.e., with
which.

Worin, wherein, i.e., in which.

Worunter, whereunder, among,
i.e., under which.
Worum, whereabout, i.e., about

or for which, wherefore; why.
Woran, whereto, i.e., to which.

Worauf, whereupon, i.e., upon
which.

Woraus. wherefrom, i.e., from
which.

Woven, whereof, i.e., of which.

Wozu, whereto, i.e., to which.

Wodurch, whereby, i.e., by or
through which.

(3.) In like manner her and hin appear, also combined with other words. Between these two particles a distinction exists, wherever they are used, whether alone or in composition with other words, which should be well understood and always remembered. They are, in signification, exact opposites: her in dicating motion or direction towards the speaker; hin implying motion or direction away from the speaker. The following are examples:

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hinab, down thither, i.e., away
from the speaker.

Hinauf, up thither.
Hinaus, out thither.

Sinein, into that place.

(3.) Sometimes adverbs are formed by the union or the repetition of prepositions; as, durchaus, throughout, thoroughly; durch und durch, through and through.

(4.) Sometimes a noun and a pronoun joined together serve as an adverb; as, meinerseits, on my side; diesseits, on this side; allerdings, by all means.

(5.) Sometimes one adverb is formed from another by the addition of a suffix; as, genugsam, sufficiently; sometimes by the union of another adverb; as, nimmermehr, nevermore.

(6.) Sometimes the several words composing a phrase are, by being brought into union, made to perform the office of an adverb; thus, fürwahr (for für wahr), verily; sonst (for the obsolete so ne ist, if it is not), otherwise, else.

§106.-COMPARISON OF ADVERBS.

(1.) Many adverbs, chiefly, however, those expressive of manner, are susceptible of the degrees of comparison. The forms for these are the same in adverbs as in adjectives.

(2.) It must be observed, however, that when a comparison, strictly speaking, is intended, the form of the superlative produced by prefixing am (see Obs. § 38) should always be employed; as, er schreibt am schönsten, he writes the most beautiful (of all).

(3.) If, on the other hand, we purpose, not to compare individuals one with another, but merely to denote extreme excellence or eminence, there are three ways in which it may properly be done: First, by using the simple or absolute form of the superlative; as, er grüßt freundlichst, he greets or salutes in a manner very friendly, very cordially. Secondly, by employing aufs (auf+ das) with the accusative, or zum (zu+tem) with the dative, of the superlative; as, aufs freundlichste, in a manner very friendly; zum schönsten, in a manner very beautiful. Lastly, by adding to the simple form of the superlative the termination ens; as, bestens, the best or in the best manner; höchstens, at the highest or at the most.

§ 107.-THE PREPOSITION.

(1.) The prepositions in German-that is, the words employed merely to denote the relations of things are commonly classified according to the cases with which they are construed. Some of them are construed with the genitive only; some with the dative only; some with the accusative only; and some either with the dative or accusative, according to circumstances.

(2.) They may also, on a different principle, be divided into Sierhin, thither; this way for two general classes: the primitive and the derivative. The

ward.

ciber, over hither.

Hinüber, over thither.

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Dahin, from thither (to) there,
i.e., thither.

Sohet, from which place hither,
Le., whence.

i.e., whither.

primitive prepositions always govern either the dative or the accusative; the derivative prepositions are found, for the most part, in connection with the genitive only.

§108.-TABLE OF THE PREPOSITIONS.

Wohin, from which place thither, (1.) PREPOSITIONS CONSTRUED WITH | (2.) PREPOSITIONS CONSTRUED WITH

(4) We have no words in English corresponding exactly in use and force with her and hin; and therefore, though everywhere in German their force may be felt, it cannot always be expressed by single words, in translation. Hence they are often treated as expletives.

§104.-ADVERBS FORMED FROM VERBS.

(1.) Adverbs are formed from verbs by suffixing to the radical
part the termination lich. All adverbs so formed, however, are
equally employed as adjectives; thus,

Glaublich (from glaub + en, to believe), credibly.
Sterblich (from sterb+en, to die), mortally.
Kläglich (from flag + en, to lament), lamentably.
Merklich (from merk+en, to note, perceive), perceptibly.

$105.-ADVERBS FORMED BY COMPOSITION.

(1.) Besides the classes given above, a numerous list of adverbs in German is produced by the union of various parts of speech. Thus, the word Weise (mode, manner), combined with nouns, forms a class of adverbs employed chiefly in specifying

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Ungeachtet.

Unterhalb.

Unweit.

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Vermittelst, or

mittelst.

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Vermöge.

Während.

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Wezen.

Zufolge.

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THE ACCUSATIVE.

THE DATIVE OR ACCUSATIVE.

Durch.
Für.

Dhne.
Sonder.

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Gegen, or gen.

Vinter.

Unter.
Ver.

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seits.

Kraft.

Längs.

Laut.

(3.) PREPOSITIONS CONSTRUED WITH (4.) PREPOSITIONS CONSTRUED WITH

Um.
Witer.

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