sole of the foot even to the head there is no soundness in it, but wounds and bruises and putrefying sores.' The leprosy had in those days risen to the forehead both of Judah and her king.

Upon yet one other passage in Isaiah a remarkable light is thrown by our corrected chronology. We read that in the days of Ahaz and Pekah-that is, according to Ussher, from 742 to 740 B.C.—the child Maher-shalal-hash-baz was born; before he was to be able to cry 'My father, my mother,' 'the riches of Damascus and the spoil of Samaria were to be taken away before the king of Assyria.' Damascus fell before Tiglath Pileser, as we now know, in 732 B.C., Samaria in 733. But by this time the child of prophecy would have been more than eight years of age. Our chronology would only place an interval of one, or at most two, years between the birth of the child and the fulfilment of the prophecy, thus in a most remarkable manner vindicating the perfect accuracy of the prophet's message.

Not only, however, upon the prophecies, but also upon the life, of Isaiah is a strong light cast by this reconstruction of the chronology. For, 'if we calculate his prophetic life from two years before the death of Uzziah-i.e. Ussher, 760-to the third year of Manasseh, in whose reign, according to tradition, he was sawn asunder, it must have lasted sixty-five years. And even this is a modest demand on our credulity, for Isaiah wrote 'the rest of the acts of Uzziah, first and last,' and therefore could hardly have been a young man 'in the year that king Uzziah died.' A reference to our scheme will show that Isaiah's prophetic career need not have lasted even forty years, and we are free to suppose that the earliest portion of it was the work not of a mere boy but of a man of mature age and influence. A similar abbreviation takes place in the ministries of Hosea and Micah, and in fact the whole of this prophetic period is brought down by thirty-five years nearer to the fall of Samaria. This fact will, we believe, remove all necessity for tampering with the headings which open the various prophecies, as is done by what we cannot but consider the hasty criticism of Dr. Cheyne in his editions of Hosea and Micah. In fact, the whole history of this period will be condensed and dramatized, the moral corruption of the reign of Jeroboam II. being placed nearer by thirty-five years to the Assyrian invasion, which came as its deserved punishment.

We have now brought our suggested reconstruction to its close. The need of some such revision has been demonstrated, not only by the evidence of the most learned authorities, but

by the attempts which have been made to supply it, notably by that of Professor Duncker, in comparison with which we venture to suggest the claims of the alternative reconstruction here elaborated.

It will be noticed that though no less bold than that of the author of the History of Antiquity in its adherence to the monuments, it is simple, depending upon one and the same supposition, introduced with similar results in two widely-separated cases. We have endeavoured to show that the disturbing influence is in each case that which has so often perplexed Egyptian chronology, a regency. It will be seen upon reference to our table that in the earlier case, five, and in the later, fourteen years, are as it were the keynotes upon which the changes necessitated by the monuments ring, and that these figures are just those which a consideration of the recorded history renders probable for these two regencies. This is a remarkable coincidence, and one which points, we believe unmistakably, to the solution here propounded. Further, though more simple than that of the Professor, it is none the less effectual. At the expense of two alterations and their consequents, the whole Biblical chronology of this long and important period is rendered consistent both with the monuments and with itself. Lastly, it has the merits possessed, so far as we know, by no previous attempt at reconciliation, and certainly not by that which has found favour with the commentator on the Book of Hosea-of accounting for the errors which it endeavours to correct, and of resting its main suppositions, not on mere conjecture, but on a very considerable basis of actual fact and Scriptural evidence.

ART. II.-THE NEW MAN AND THE ETERNAL

LIFE.

The New Man and the Eternal Life: Notes on the reiterated Amens of the Son of God. By ANDREW JUKES. (London, 1884.)

IT has been given to few writers to teach as clearly as does the author of this book 'how charming is divine philosophy.' He deals with several questions of the greatest depth and

obscurity, and this he does without shallowness, and yet with a spirit of devotion and love which makes the book (as our own experience has proved) no less welcome to the unlearned lover of God, or the weary invalid, than to the student of theology. The reviewer of such a book stands at a disadvantage. It would be scarcely reverent to review it in its devotional aspect, and thus we are compelled to pass by what is most attractive in it, while we limit ourselves to the theological ideas which give form and solidity to the devotion, and at the same time open a wide field for reverent speculation.

The question which Divine Providence offered to the primitive Church was, What is God? and her great answer to the question is contained in the Nicene Creed. It would seem that the question proposed to the Church at the present day is, What is man?-a question, indeed, asked by every generation before and after the Psalmist was made its mouthpiece; but only to be solved by the light of the revelation of Perfect Man, in Him who is also Perfect God.

But as the construction of an answer has become more possible because of the Church's possession and study of that Image of God in whom man was made, at the same time the materials for an answer have grown in complexity. It is with the study of man as with the study of a nebula: what seemed a mist of light is resolved into a host of stars, each with its own characteristics. In like manner, each human being seems to be capable of analysis into at least a duality -the man who is prone to sin, and the man who needs righteousness. Nevertheless the language of Holy Scripture and our instinctive feelings forbid us to suppose that this duality is absolute. There must be an underlying unity. What is it?

The question is substantially the same as that which was started by Luther: Can fallen man be restored to holiness, or must another who is holy be substituted for him? The answer which the dogmatic decisions of the Latin and the English Churches, and the ultimate self-vindications of conscience among the best of the Lutherans, have returned is that sanctification is a real work, and not a pretence, that fallen man yet has in him that upon which grace may work. It is needful to draw attention to this point at the very outset, for a careless reader might imagine that Mr. Jukes, contrasting very strongly the old man, in whom all die, with the New Man, in whom all shall be made alive, implies a total division between the two. That this is not the case will be abundantly

visible as we proceed; suffice it to say now that, with Mr. Jukes, the New Man is the true Man, and the old man the same humanity perverted and obscured by the falsehood of sin.

His book is mainly devoted to showing the reality of the better humanity, the Eternal Life, which he traces to its source in the New Man, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of Man. His method is that which is familiar to the readers of his other books. We have here the same loving reverence for the written word, both for the spirit of it and for the letter, which is the sacramental form and vehicle of the spirit. To him the mystical interpretation of Holy Scripture is not the arbitrary exercise of a playful fancy. He would, we suppose, feel it irreverent and untrue to read a mystical interpretation into the Scriptures; but he is bold and consistent in drawing a mystical meaning out of them. We have in him no arbitrary and fanciful allegorizings, like some of those of S. Bernard and Cardinal Hugo, but a systematic treatment of the algebra of symbolism, like that of Origen and (at a great distance) Ambrose.

Holy Scripture, then, has some language about the duality of man which deserves attention. It speaks of an old man, corrupt and doomed to die, and of a New Man, created in righteousness and holiness of truth, after the likeness of God (Eph. iv. 22, 24); and this New Man it identifies elsewhere with the Lord from heaven' (1 Cor. xv. 47). Our regeneration, accordingly, is spoken of as 'putting on Christ,' our sanctification as coming 'unto a perfect Man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ' (Eph. iv. 13). It is irreverent to explain away these difficult expressions as rhetorical or metaphorical. God's rhetoric is the statement of truth; His metaphors are the use of outward things and words for the chief purpose for which they were created, to be sacramental of the inward verity. The Second Adam, then, is at least as really existent as the First Adam. As in the one human nature was summed up to its fall, so in the other human nature is as truly summed up to its restitution.

Our relation to the Old Adam is twofold; we are partakers of his fallen nature, and we consent to its proclivities by the exercise of our own wills. Just so is our relation to the New Man twofold: we are partakers of a nature regenerated in Him, and yet it remains for us, by the exercise of our wills, to work out the new life which is already ours in Christ.

These thoughts are, of course, not novel. They are expressed with great clearness in many passages of Holy Scrip

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ture. They are necessary if, on the one hand, we are to attach any value to the history of Christ, and, on the other, to feel the necessity of effort after a Christ-like life. On the one hand, they correct the fatal notion that we chose God, not God us, as if there were no redemption of us and of all the world antecedent to our sanctification, which is the acceptance of this redemption. From this error spring the prevalent mistakes about the heathen, who are spoken of as without grace, whereas they are (though they know it not) redeemed in Christ, and so partakers of God's universal love and favour; and, again, their virtues are ascribed to merely natural sources, in forgetfulness that nature itself is God's handiwork, redeemed by Christ, and therefore not opposed to grace, but rather necessarily assumed as that upon which, and through which, grace may work.

On the other hand, the true views about the Second Adam check the prevalent individualism which regards our redemption as the work of God upon isolated units; whereas Holy Scripture shows us redeemed in Him in whom all the world is redeemed, and therefore sets before us the Catholic Church as the sign, and means, and pledge of this catholic redemption. To this truth the sacraments, and especially holy baptism, bear witness, teaching us of grace in Christ which is given to us in common with all men, and which is our rightful heritage, not because of our deserts, but because God accepts us in the Beloved, before we know right from wrong, so that His love is not so much the crown as the foundation of the work of grace.

It is this aspect of Christ as the One in whom all men are, and are one, which Mr. Jukes conceives to be specially indicated in the term 'Son of Man.' This expression, possibly not without anticipation in the Old Testament, and not without its example in the mouth of the first Christian martyr (Acts vii. 56), is nevertheless almost exclusively characteristic of the Lord Himself. The expression is striking-'the Son of the Man, ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. It bids us turn away the eye from the varied hosts of men, to the Man who is the Divine Ideal.

The first of the race, including in himself all after generations, was rightly called 'the Adam,' 'the Man.' But after all, humanity was in him derivative: its source is in Him who in order of time indeed is the Second Adam, but yet in

1 Dan. vii. 13, where, however, the LXX and Theodotion translate without the significant articles—ὡς υἱὸς ἀνθρώπου.