a personal antipathy. Jefferson employed, as translating clerk in his office, one Freneau, who edited a journal, of which the President complained that there was not an act of his government which it did not fiercely attack. But the secretary, who generally concurred in its sentiments, would not interpose. He complains, indeed, but without sufficient reason, that he produced his opinions in the council only to see them suffer martyrdom. Washington, though much harassed by this position, was still willing to have the opposite opinions pleaded before him, and to decide on them as a judge. Though, leaning strongly towards Hamilton, he was reluctant to be left under his influence without a check. He urged Jefferson to remain, and when, in December, 1793, the resignation was insisted on, he supplied his place by Randolph, who entertained similar sentiments. In the beginning of 1795, Hamilton followed the example, partly from private motives, and partly, no doubt, from his increasing unpopularity. He was succeeded, on his own recommendation, by Wolcott. In the beginning of 1796, the second term of Washington's presidency was to terminate; and, notwithstanding the late popular clamours, it is believed that had he agreed to stand a third time, the choice would have been decided, and even again unanimous. His determination, however, to retire into private life, was now immovable. The two houses drew up addresses, strongly expressing their high estimation of his character, and of the conduct of his administration. That of the Senate passed unanimously; but in the other house, Giles, the popular leader, concurring in the applause of his character, would not extend it to his system of government, or even express regret at his retirement. He was supported by only a few, and the address was carried by a large majority. Washington, at the same time, published an address to the people, exposing the principles on which their public conduct ought to be guided. It is written with great ability, and has ever since been regarded as almost a second constitutional charter. To adhere strongly to the Union, and shun the sectional distinctions of Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western-to avoid the extremes of party spirit-to venerate religion and morality as the main pillars of public welfare-to cultivate friendship with all nations, without a passionate attachment to any-these are the leading objects of exhortation. The composition is said to have employed four months, and to have been chiefly prepared by Hamilton; but it breathes nothing of that monarchical spirit of which he has been so much accused.

ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS.

HE election of a new president tested the strength of parties. The Democrats nominated Jefferson in spite of his professed reluctance, while the Federals, afraid to propose Hamilton, supported John Adams. After a severe struggle, the small majority of seventy-one to sixty-eight appeared in favour of the latter, the result of which, according to the curious arrangement of the Constitution, was to make his opponent vice-president. This union of conflicting elements was the less embarrassing, as the latter officer has no active functions assigned to him, and remains merely in reserve. The two statesmen, during the revolutionary struggle, had been united in the closest friendship; and though its changes had brought them to opposite sides of the political wheel, great personal regard was still professed. Overtures of co-operation were even made, but without being followed up; and Jefferson became as before a violent adversary to the government of which he ostensibly formed a member.

The attention of the new President was immediately called to the critical state of the national relations with France. When the Directory agreed to the recall of Genet, and requested that of Morris, Washington, anxious to conciliate them, selected Monroe, an able man, and imbued with an enthusiastic admiration of the French republic. The President's impartiality seems to have here carried him too far, making him choose a representative whose views so little harmonized with his own. Monroe's first despatches show him to have been one of those who ardently desired to identify the cause and interest of the two republics. He arrived when France had newly emerged from the reign of blood under Robespierre; but this he represents as a mere temporary interruption to the auspicious career

of liberty. Even the Mountain party had, he thought, been useful till the overthrow of monarchy; and having then attempted to establish a tyranny of their own, they had justly fallen. That system was at an end; the guillotine would never again be erected, and the republic was advancing in a happy career of freedom. The French government, being apprized of these sentiments, gave him the most distinguished reception: he was publicly presented to the Convention, and in answer to their address of welcome, expressed the strong sympathy and attachment felt by America towards France, saying: "Republics should draw near each other." Being warned from home that this language was not in accordance with his instructions, which had enjoined the strictest neutrality, he still defended himself, and continued the same course. It clearly transpires, that he had held communications tending to a co-operation of the two powers against Britain and Spain. Amid this intercourse, he was struck as by a thunderbolt with the intelligence of Jay's treaty with the former power; and the indignant disappointment then expressed by the French government would doubtless be faintly repelled by one who shared it. On learning, however, the doubts as to its ratification, his hopes revived; he represented to his government the triumphant position of France, her anxiety for a close alliance, and that there was no object which America might not in that case obtain through her aid. Washington, to whom these views were wholly foreign, disregarded them, and signed the treaty.

The rage felt on this occasion by the French government was doubtless aggravated by the opposite hopes with which they had been inspired. Fauchet, their ambassador, declared that they considered the States as having thus "knowingly and evidently sacrificed their connections with the republic." Orders were issued for the capture of vessels carrying provisions to any British port, and extensive depredations were in consequence committed. Washington, clearly perceiving that no redress could be expected through the agency of the present ambassador, determined to send another, and chose Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, a known friend of liberty, and who had not appeared in any of the measures complained of by France. That government, however, considered the recall of Monroe as the climax of its wrongs; and when he and the new minister waited on La Croix with their letters of recall and credence, they were treated with marked coldness. Before parting, they were led to suppose that Pinckney would be acknowledged; but two days after, Monroe received a letter intimating that this could not take place till the French grievances were redressed. Pinckney complained in vain of not being allowed even to explain his mission; nay, he was refused letters of hospitality, without which, at that time, no stranger was permitted to remain in Paris, and was warned that his next accounts would probably be from the lieutenant-general of police. He determined, however, not to leave Paris without a written order; and