the government seemed reluctant to go so far as either to issue one or throw him into prison. In this precarious position he remained several weeks, when, on intelligence being received of Napoleon's successes in Italy, the mandate to depart was sent, and he repaired to the Hague. Monroe, who had just before been somewhat coolly treated, now met with the most marked attention; and in the parting address, deep regret at his recall was mingled with a direct appeal to the people of America against their government. The Directory also sent a message to the council of Five Hundred, recommending that all vessels laden in whole or part with English goods should be declared lawful prizes.

When these tidings arrived in America, Adams, who had succeeded as President, called an extraordinary meeting of Congress. In a message of 16th May, 1797, he exposed, with indignant comments, the conduct of the French government, and recommended an augmentation both of the naval and military force; yet he intimated the design to make a fresh attempt at negotiation, for which purpose Marshall and Gerry were joined in a commission with Pinckney. They were comparatively well received by Talleyrand, now foreign minister, and though their character was not publicly acknowledged, they obtained cards of hospitality. He warned them that the Directory were greatly exasperated at the President's speech, and a private agent from him, named in the despatches X, soon visited them, and expatiated strongly on this subject. He intimated, however, that there was one way by which this wrath might be softened, and the whole matter adjusted; this was by money. Provided a loan of one million two hundred thousand pounds were made to the government, and a douceur of fifty thousand pounds paid to Talleyrand for his own use, and that of the Directory, he would guaranty that every thing should be well arranged. They replied, that they had brought no instructions to treat on such a subject, and could do nothing without reference to America. Being afterwards pressed to say simply Yes or No, they gave a decided negative. Yet X with two coadjutors, Y (Mr. Bellamy, of Hamburg) and Z, (M. Hauteval,) continued to urge the point in every possible manner; and boasts were even made of the triumphant progress of the French arms, and the humiliating peace imposed on Austria. Venice had fallen; England would soon follow; and America might dread the same fate. The consent of their government might be necessary for the loan; but for the fifty thou sand pounds, their own powers were sufficient; there was a banker ready to honour their draft. They were asked if they had not been aware that at Paris nothing could be obtained without money; and having declared a total want of suspicion of this fact, were told that any American in the city could have informed them. When they expatiated on the claims of their country to good treatment, the agent showed extreme impatience, and at the first interval said: all this was very fine, but he did not come to

listen to speeches; it was Yes or No-the fifty thousand pounds. "Gentlemen," said he at another time, "you do not come to the point; it is money-you must offer money." Although Talleyrand did not personally treat, they met these agents at his house, where the discussions were partly carried on. They at length drew up a lengthened statement of their claims and grievances, intimating, that unless they were attended to, there could be no object in their remaining longer. Marshall and Pinckney were welcomed and even urged to depart; but Gerry, by threats of immediate war, was induced to remain; a concession of which his government disapproved. On the 18th of January, 1798, a law was passed subjecting to capture every vessel which should contain any article of British fabric or produce.

The report of these transactions, when conveyed to America, kindled 1 feeling of unanimous and indignant resistance. The French party, which had appeared almost dominant, was suddenly reduced to a small minority. Those who attempted to argue that it would be cheaper to submit than to resist, were considered as betraying the honour of their country. "Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute!" was the general cry. The envoys made a kind of triumphal entry into Philadelphia; and Jefferson complains, that from being nearly in the front of popular favour, he was thrown far into the background. Congress readily authorized an augmentation both of the naval and military force, and to defray the expense, a considerable amount even of internal taxes, hitherto so odious, including one on land, was imposed. Washington consented to come forth from his

retirement, and assume the command of the army, in which he appointed Hamilton his second. Hostilities were even commenced by sea. Commodore Truxtun, with the frigate Constellation of thirty-eight guns, captured the French L'Insurgente of forty. He had also obliged another, the Vengeance of fifty guns, to strike her colours; but she escaped during the night.

The French government do not seem to have ever seriously intended war, but only hoped by the threat to make America yield to their terms. Finding her immovable, and being ashamed of the exposures made by the negotiators, Talleyrand now disavowed his agents, and expressed to Gerry the strongest wish for peace, without any demand of loans or pecuniary terms. Even when that minister had been recalled, he sent after him to Havre a new decree, professedly mitigating those formerly complained of, though it did not contain any important provision. He took the stronger step of communicating through Pichon, ambassador at the Hague, to Mr. Murray, American resident there, his wish for peace, which he pretended even having always done every thing in his power to promote. Adams, on receiving these overtures, did not certainly display that anti-gallican spirit so strongly alleged by the opposite party. He immediately prepared a new commission, and to give it the greater weight, solicited the venerable Patrick Henry, who had lately been governor of Virginia, to place himself at its head. As he declined on account of his age, Oliver Ellsworth, chief justice, was substituted, and was combined with Mr. Murray. A pledge was only required, that the embassy should be treated according to the usage of civilized nations; and this was promptly accorded. On their arrival at Paris, a complete revolution had taken place; Napoleon, returning from Egypt, had grasped with an iron hand the reins of power. He had been in no degree mixed up with the late transactions, and seems to have been desirous, at least in the first instance, to make his administration proceed smoothly. Every facility was, therefore, given to the negotiation, which, on the 31st July, 1801, ended in a satisfactory treaty. The injurious decrees were repealed, and a liberal compensation stipulated for the depredations committed under them.

Before this satisfactory result, Washington was no more. Though suffering under some infirmities, he had enjoyed general good health till the 13th December, 1799, when, in consequence of severe exposure to cold, he was seized with an inflammation of the windpipe. On the 14th, it terminated in death, which he met with exemplary calmness and fortitude. When the tidings were conveyed to Congress, then sitting, a deep and general mourning ensued, and all party feelings were for the moment hushed. The Assembly at once broke up; an imposing funeral procession was arranged, and numerously attended. Many orations in honour of his memory were pronounced there and in different parts of the Union.

It was even decreed that a marble monument should be erected in the capital, and his body deposited under it; but through party spirit and extreme economy, this was never carried into execution, and his remains still repose at Mount Vernon.

During the first strong impression produced by the outrages on the part of France, Adams and his ministry had carried all before them. But when the cloud of war, which had seemingly impended, was dispersed, and it appeared even probable that she had never intended such a measure, a great reaction took place. Her votaries derided what they termed the X Y Z negotiation, representing, though seemingly without reason, these agents as having acted without any authority. But the severest trial was when the new taxes, the necessity for which was no longer felt, came to be levied. They encountered general discontent, and in some cases open resistance. Amid the first excitement, no difficulty had been found in inducing Congress to pass an alien act, with very stringent provisions: also another, imposing restrictions upon the press; but these measures, being quite new, and foreign to the national habits and ideas, soon became odious.

NEW presidential election having come on in 1801, it soon appeared that the democratic interest was in the ascendant. Jefferson, its head, being again opposed by Adams, obtained a majority of seventy-three to sixty-five; yet his success was checkered by a singular incident. Aaron Burr, a bustling adventurer of doubtful character, had made himself generally acceptable to the Democrats, who voted for him in the view that he might become vice-president. The votes happened to be exactly equal; in which case the Constitution had provided that the House of Representatives should decide. Here, however, the Federals, viewing Jefferson as their arch-enemy, threw themselves into the interest of Burr, and produced there too an exact equality. No remedy had been provided for this double contingency and the machine of government seemed to