ing governments; and the President was empowered immediately to remove it with regard to either of them which should repeal its hostile decrees.

Soon after, a prospect seemed to open of a favourable termination. Mr. Erskine, the English minister, received a paper, intimating that his cabinet were ready to repeal the orders in council, on the understanding that the non-intercourse act should continue in operation against France, and on condition that the British navy should be allowed to enforce it, without which it would be nugatory; also, that America should abstain from any commerce with the French colonies not enjoyed by her during peace. He was authorized to show these written propositions to the American minister; but unaccountably, instead of doing so, he announced simply, and without any condition, the intention of his court to repeal the orders. Madison certainly met the announcement very promptly, stating it to the House of Representatives, and issuing a proclamation for the renewal of intercourse in June, 1809. He was surprised, however, to receive a despatch from Mr. Pinckney, mentioning the two annexed conditions; when, Mr. Erskine being asked for an explanation, showed his original instructions, actually containing these terms, which certainly changed greatly the character of the offer, and were declared altogether inadmis-` sible. The British cabinet then, of course, disavowed their minister's original communication, and recalled him. The Americans showed, on this occasion, an extreme irritation, to which they seem little entitled, considering that they themselves had recently done the very same thing respecting a treaty signed by a more formal and accredited mission, and that having seen the actual instructions, they could not doubt of the error resting solely with the ambassador. That Mr. Madison, therefore, should consider this non-ratification as a proof of rooted enmity to the States, seems wholly unreasonable. In this state of affairs, Mr. Jackson, sent out from Britain on a special mission, was received with great coldness, and all communication refused except by writing. The ambassador was offended by this treatment, and wrote in a tone not very conciliatory. In the course of communication, he referred to the American government as having seen Mr. Erskine's instructions, apparently with a view of showing that blame did not rest with the British cabinet. Madison, understanding the assertion to be, that he had seen them previous to revoking the nonintercourse act, and had thus acted very inconsistently, denied the statement. Jackson, doubtless under the same misunderstanding, repeated it, referring even to their own admission. The other treated this as giving him the lie, and refused to hold any further intercourse with the British negotiator.

The President, however, authorized Mr. Pinckney to continue the negotiation, even adding Mr. Monroe to the embassy, who does not, however.

appear to have arrived. The complaints against Mr. Jackson were by no means fully admitted by Marquis Wellesley, now foreign minister, who observed that he had disavowed any offensive intention; but as a mark of friendly disposition, another plenipotentiary would be sent, Meantime, the non-intercourse law having expired in May, 1810, the American government gave notice, that if either party would repeal its obnoxious decrees, this measure would be renewed against the other. Hopes even of war seem to have been held out. Napoleon, determining to avail himself of this prospect of annoying his adversary, issued, in August, a proclamation revoking the decrees from 1st November following, under the full understanding that Britain was to withdraw her orders in council, or America make her rights be respected. Pinckney immediately called upon Marquis Wellesley to meet this overture. The latter, while declaring the high satisfaction with which he would relinquish the orders in the event of actual repeal, could not do it upon this sort of conditional one, which, requiring that of Britain to be antecedent, was not, therefore, in real operation. Though a new plenipotentiary to America was promised, none was appointed; but the delay was explained, as solely owing to the difficulty of finding one who would possess sufficient weight, and be acceptable to the American government. Pinckney, however, on this ground, in the beginning of 1811, withdrew, leaving Mr. Russell to act as chargé d'affaires.

Soon after, however, Mr. Foster came out as plenipotentiary. He again brought offers of compensation for the Chesapeake, which, being found ample, were at length accepted. Respecting the orders in council, very lengthy discussions ensued. Notwithstanding the alleged revocation, American vessels continued to be seized under the decrees; but it was answered, that on complaint and remonstrance, they had been mostly liberated. Reference was made by Foster to French proclamations, in which the decrees were declared and gloried in, as still in full force. This, the Americans said, was only in regard to European neutrals, and when they were satisfied as to themselves, it was unreasonable to demand that they should compel France to follow a certain course towards other nations, or to receive British goods into her own dominions. Mr. Foster denied any idea of such compulsion; yet they seem to have extorted from him the admission, that a general revocation of the decrees must precede the repeal of the British orders.

In these circumstances, the American government determined upon making preparations for war; being assured of support from a majority in Congress. Mr. Madison, in, his message of 5th November, 1811, enumerated the wrongs sustained from Britain, and proposed an augmentation of taxes, and of the naval and military force. Authority was given to enlarge the army to thirty-five thousand men, to increase the navy, to raise eleven millions of dollars, by doubling the duties of customs, and even

imposing internal duties, hitherto so much deprecated. In February, 1812 the public were excited by the publication of the correspondence of a Mr. Henry, represented as having, three years before, attempted to stir up dis affection in the Northern States. His instructions, it appears, were merely to ascertain the state of public feeling, and if any individual wished tc open a communication with the British government, to offer himself as a medium. He was employed altogether by General Craig, governor of Canada, and his services were not recognised in Britain; upon which he came and gave the information to the adverse power

P to the year 1811, Tecumseh and his brother were engaged in constant intrigues against the United States. They had disturbed all the councils that were held, and endeavoured to prevent every treaty that was made. Surrounded by a lawless band, composed of desperate renegadoes from various tribes, by the young and hot, the dissolute and dishonest, they scarcely practised even the Punic faith of the Indian code. They asserted that all the lands inhabited by Indians, belonged to the tribes indiscriminately-that no tribe had a right to transfer any soil to the whites, without the assent of all-and that, consequently, all the treaties that had been made were invalid.

In 1808, the Prophet established his principal place of rendezvous on the Wabash, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe-a spot which soon became